Niels Kayser Nielsen

Nationalism seems to be the strongest of all the -isms of the twentieth century. Both the right and the left appear to be in agreement about the legitimacy of national sentiment, however much they may differ on other issues. It is the only one of the great meta-narratives to have survived until the present day, and it shows no signs of having been weakened, while other great isms have had their foundations rocked, especially in the historical turbulence of the 1980s. This is a source of regret to many, in view of the catastrophes that nationalism has caused in Europe alone this century, with two world wars and the recent madness in the Balkans as the worst examples.

It is important, however, to seize on another nationalist tradition than the familiar martial one. There is a less warlike nationalism which has unfortunately been overshadowed, but in Scandinavia at least it has played a significant role in the building of society in the twentieth century, especially in the 1930s.1 One of the few scholars to focus on this friendly nationalism is the Chinese-American human geographer Yi-Fu Tuan, who devotes a whole chapter to this "friendly nationalism" in his article Home and World, Cosmopolitanism and Ethnicity.2 Ideas from that article have inspired the following survey of sport and the function of outdoor life in Nordic nation-building in the inter-war years - a form of nationalism that, for want of a better term, may be called "welfare nationalism" - or a nationalism that takes place.3

Sturegatan in Helsinki, Friday evening

A foreigner standing in one of the main thoroughfares in Helsinki - Mannerheimvägen or Sturegatan - on a Friday afternoon would probably be bewildered by the caravans of buses and cars heading north, east, and west out of the city and would wonder what was going on. An evacuation? A funeral? The cheerful and expectant faces, however, would make the foreigner look for a different explanation. Instead of being an evacuation, it is just the people of Helsinki celebrating the weekend. They do so by leaving the city, no matter how pleasant it may be on weekdays. Hardly any other city in Europe can match this weekend traffic all the year round. In Helsinki it is quite normal. And the situation is found on a smaller scale in all the Nordic countries. People have to get out of the city - into the countryside. Leisure time for many Scandinavians is the same as going to the country.

You may nod in recognition and say that this is rather natural for societies that have been agrarian well into this century. This may be true, but the matter is surely more complex than that. My thesis here is that a stay in the countryside - at the seaside, in the archipelago, in the forest, by a lake, or at a camp-site - is not just a reminder of an agrarian heritage but also a way to acquire something typically Nordic. In other words, it is a national representation. It seems worth contemplating whether this might be something unique to Nordic nationalism, that it is so closely associated with nature - and hence with movement. My preliminary statement is that Nordic nationalism is also characterized by being a nationalism of movement and not just a mental state of mind or an idea. At first sight this may seem surprising, but it is not at all strange. It is just part of a shared Nordic perception of space.

It has been said of the Nordic space that it is primarily a space in which to move. It is not a space that you just enter and then leave. It is a space that we acquire through our doings.4 It is a space for action more than a contemplative, aesthetic space for the perception of the sublime. In Nordic space one is bodily present in the creation of the space. Physical presence is significant.

It is here one has the sensation of being able to control and master time through the way that time is handled by means of activity in space.5 In other words, the category of space with its movement takes predominance over time. Experience rather than reflection is the essential thing here. Space, also in the sense of the city block, is always associated in Scandinavia with what one does in this space. Its extent depends in large measure on the character of these activities, as is clear, for example, from childhood memoirs from the illustrious Kronohagen quarter in eastern central Helsinki:

Kronohagen was streets, houses, yards, and in the spring Kajsaniemi - where we played football. In the winter Kronohagen grew with the ice - we played bandy and skied there.6

Even when we turn to nationalism - with its emphasis on territoriality and movements on a larger scale - we cannot avoid studying the relation of nationalism to space and spatial perception, and this space in Scandinavia is largely a natural space.

The Swedish term Eriksgata, used of the king's progress through the country to demonstrate his power, and perhaps to engender future subjects, is a strikingly clear expression of the idea of presence and action with their physical dimension of power and control on the national level. And although the Eriksgata was initially a medieval phenomenon, the custom has survived until our days. One's thoughts here go automatically to the Oscarian era - Sweden's counterpart to the Victorian era - when Oscar II graced the west coast around 1900 with his visits to Marstrand and his excursions along the coast. Here the king was not just an idea or a principle but a person who bathed at the seaside resorts and took the waters of the spas.7

In this context one could also add the vulgar Danish expression pissing out one's territory as a symbolic representation of the combination of power, space, and action. To put it in less bodily terms, one could say that space in Scandinavia - including national space - appears to be more suited to activity than to passivity.

Sports culture between nationalism and welfare

There has been a growing interest in this relation between sport, space, and nation-building in recent years. This is an important addition to research in the history of sport, but it is perhaps just as important that this gives us a chance to consider the inter-war years as well, especially the 1930s; otherwise most studies on the history of sport have been concerned with the end of the seventeenth century and the end of the nineteenth century, more specifically the periods 1780-1814 and 1880-1914.

Turning to the Nordic countries in the 1930s, you may, as has done the Norwegian folklorist Ýrnulf Hodne, ask how it came about that Norwegian sport in the 1930s overcame its ideological and organizational divisions and instead assembled around a national educational function under the auspices of social democracy.8

A central position in this question is occupied by the history of working-class sport in inter-war Norway. This is a history of grandeur and collapse. At the end of the 1930s, Norwegian working-class sport was in a serious crisis. It was primarily a consequence of a hesitant attitude on the part of the Labour Party which, like its counterparts in Denmark and Sweden, was prepared to sacrifice the class-struggle perspective in favour of a policy for "the whole of Norway". It also arose because of internal divisions between the politically aware leaders in working-class sport, who wanted to use sport (especially skiing, football, and athletics) as part of the class struggle, and those members with little interest in party politics, who wanted to devote their spare time to either sports or dancing. The "power moralists" were opposed here to the "liberals", but the tendency to break the social barrier and enrich life with new and exciting experiences was important for the seemingly apolitical parts of working-class sport.

Here Hodne is thinking along the same lines as Jonas Frykman in his studies of the history of sport and outdoor life in Sweden in the 1930s.9 Working-class sport, in other words, was part of a national-modernist project and a social democratic welfare project at the same time, and this is probably the real reason for the gradual cessation of working-class sport: that the Nordic social-liberal social democratism - with its alliance between workers and farmers and its alliance between the people and the state - did not leave any room for a narrow working-class organization.

Social democratic cultural policy in the 1930s showed itself, first in Sweden and Denmark, later in Norway too, to be a nationally oriented "open air" policy. This applies to Denmark in particular, where, compared with Sweden and Norway, there was a special effort to achieve broad popular enlightenment, and where social democratic cultural policy, because of the work of the Grundtvigians, had difficulty in finding a place in the spiritual sun.

A popular Danish song in these years was called "Comrade of the Sun", and it may serve as an emblem of this social democratic perception of their goal at the time: that everyone - as comrades and equals - should be able to enjoy life in the open air, where all could be equal thanks to the same bodily capacity. A book entitled "Sport" (Idrætten), published by the Danish social democrats in 1934, described bodily exercise and fresh air as two of the most beneficial properties of sport.10 In Finland, where the right-wing home-guard movement seized on sport and open-air life in the inter-war years for the purposes of national legitimation and sentiment,11 the situation was politically different, but the interest in outdoor life was scarcely any less.12

Ýrnulf Hodne deserves praise for showing how the race between nationalism and social democratism, as the two main isms of the twentieth century, is flanked by Christian and bodily elements on a distinctive Nordic palette of values, where the things about which there was general agreement far outweighed the differences. Yet he simultaneously shows how the labour movement, the youth movement, and the sports movement, in their use of similar forms such as festivals, walks, tournaments, banners, courses, and study circles, established pluralism and relativism as regards values, which did not leave much room for the church as a movement. It was the loser in this game. Value-pluralism has its limits.

Hodne breaks new ground in his book by tackling the social and cultural context of sport, illuminated in relation to society at large and to the local community. This approach is still the exception rather than the rule in the history of Nordic sport. When a review of the two-volume work Dansk Idrætsliv (1995), about the history of sport in Denmark 1860, arrogantly claimed that parts of the work (those which, like Ýrnulf Hodne, deal with the local cultural context of sport) do not rise above the level of anecdote, the reviewer (Henning Eichberg) revealed a fundamental ignorance of the essence of sport: only in very few cases has the world of sport been a forum for sport alone. Hodne convincingly shows that this applies equally to Norway in the inter-war years and he indirectly invites comparative inter-Nordic studies of the relation between sport and politics in the 1930s.

There are two interesting problems here to consider as regards the Nordic national identity. The first is about the phenomenon that both Hans Magnus Enzensberger and Tove Nedrelid have noticed, that happiness in Norway is not an abstract idea but is composed of things like trees, grass, and stones.13 Norwegianness means picking berries on the mountain, eating cream porridge, and watching ski jumping contests. A national identity is acquired via sports, exercise, and outdoor life. In this connection it is worth citing the old national romantic and poet of the wilderness, Mikkjel FÝnhus, who said the following in the sports magazine Norsk Idrætsblad in 1919 about the Holmenkollen ski contests:

Yes, this is Norway: luxuriant forest, blue sky, white snow. Pure ozone air running through the lungs. Slim, sinuous youths gliding over the treetops, while the sun casts reflections in shiny lacquered skis.14

"Shiny lacquered skis." Here we have the epitome of the Norwegian longing for harmony between nature and culture under the auspices of sport and physical activity in the open air. This is such a central part of the Nordic identity, and in the 1930s it became an important part of the representation of the Swedish welfare state - "the people's home" - with the painter Sven "X-et" Erixson as a typical proponent,15 although he was otherwise rather critical of sport per se. This was at once a friendly and a vital, sometimes even an idyllizing and harmony-seeking nationalism. Nature was perceived primarily as a space for movement and not as a peerless scenery for contemplation and sublime aesthetic experiences. People ventured into nature not just to find themselves, but also to confirm themselves as citizens. This applies equally to participation in the Swedish Vasaloppet ski race, or to the Finnish traditional weekend with a Saturday-night sauna, or to the Danish practice of spending summer at a caravan-site with a permanent fitted carpet in the awning.

The other problem, which I shall examine later using Swedish examples, concerns a diachronic section through this combination of national identity, body, and movement. In a historical perspective, the organized and institutionalized acquisition of national identity seems to have been most pronounced in the nineteenth century and in the years up to the First World War. Here sport was exploited by the state - especially by the military - in high-flown, ceremonious rhetoric. In the inter-war years, especially the 1930s, this was changed to more civilian, democratic, and informal everyday activities which did not reduce the nationalism but associated national identity with a routinized, informal combination of society and nationalism - with the Swedish "people's home" as a prototypical example.

This change may also be termed as a change from nation as idea to nation as place, in order to underline the tactile, spatial and bodily aspect. It may also be termed as a change from nation as territory to nationalism as something which takes place, provided that space and place is not a question of maps and borderlines but constructed and represented by movement.

A characteristic feature of this new form of national identity was that the masses largely assimilated the modern democratic-national society by means of open-air life, sports, and a healthy lifestyle. In this way, as Maurice Agulhon has shown for France, it can also be said of Sweden that the Swedes at the turn of the century were united in their national sentiment but differed in their cultural patterns.

In the 1930s they were divided and different as regards the nation (the old aristocratic patriotism was still not completely dead), but they were becoming united in their patterns of cultural expression.16

This did not diminish the national sentiment. On the contrary: it found new and more agents, and it revitalized nationalism in that it once more gained momentum after the more internationally oriented 1920s. The Copenhagen children who had summer holidays and fattening cures on farms in the provinces discovered new aspects of Danishness in and with their bodies.17 The same thing happened to the Finnish girl gymnasts who sunbathed and swam among farmers and fishermen during their summer courses at the Helsinki Gymnastics Association's building on the island of Hasselön in the eastern Nyland archipelago: national identity was not just an idea for the capital or a matter for public representation. It was also a truly popular open-air experience.18

In Sweden we have perhaps the clearest example of this civil and democratic national consensus, achieved through sport and outdoor life. Swedish crispbread, with its activation of the teeth and the stomach, may stand as a symbol of this informal and modern, democratic lifestyle: the bread was cheap, healthy, and easy to bring along on trips into the countryside.19

The Swedish Vasaloppet

Acquiring Sweden in the 1930s may at first sight be a matter of finding a representative building, such as Ragnar Östlund's architectural masterpiece, the Stockholm City Hall, or why not Skansen? But perhaps a Swede does not become more Swedish as a result of this mostly passive representation. This may have worked in the 1890s, when Artur Hazelius realized his dream of a Swedish national museum. Today, however, other representations appear to be more urgent, partly thanks to the experiences of Swedishness that people had in the 1930s.

It is striking that Swedes in these years took such a delight in being able to "do" and "show" what had previously been concealed.20 The watchwords of the time were discovery and experimentation. This resulted in a multitude of lightly clad bodies enjoying summer in the country, beside a lake or in a cottage in the woods. They turned their backs on the mawkish, pampered city life while pluckily conquering what was closest to them: their own bodies, in the embrace of nature.

This acquisition strategy with a simple way of life was in turn associated with national overtones, but of a different kind from before. The decadent upper-class patriotism of the turn of the century had to give way to an uncomplicated and "natural" way of being Swedish. The new, healthy breed did what the bourgeoisie had previously talked of, and with their new habits they showed what modern Sweden was about - not because they really knew what modernization was: it was rather the case that, with their new discoveries and inquisitive habits, they incarnated modernity. They sought something new - thanks to the opportunities now afforded by statutory holidays and weekends - and new concepts such as strength, pluck, and sexuality began to appear, when words were needed for the new experiences one had enjoyed.2 National Sweden - in its modernist variant - was primarily acquired wordlessly as a process, as action, as experience. Many of these experiences were had, for example, in the school dining hall.22 Here one literally got the modern Sweden under one's skin. Then came the significant year, 1938, with the new law giving two weeks' paid holiday to all those in permanent employment,23 and with the foundation of the National Institute of Public Health; in the same year the Swedish Advertising Association arranged a conference on the theme of public health and advertising.

Two years later, in 1940, the Stockholm Cooperative Occupational Sports Association, with its biggest clubs being those of the tram workers, the fire brigade, and the police, organized the first Vasa Relay Race on skis, in collaboration with the daily newspaper Dagens Nyheter and Skansen. The race went from Brunnsviken to the birthplace of King Gustav Vasa at Lindholmen in Uppland and back to Skansen.24 In 1945 the social democratic chairman of the Stockholm City Council, Carl Albert Andersson, took the initiative to found a national organization for inter-company sports; regional organizations had already been formed in Stockholm in 1918 and in Malmö in the 1920s. In other words, he was active in the cooperative movement, the labour movement, and sports.

The new social-liberal acquisition of "the people's home" thus took place from below, just as the modernization of Sweden also received its boost from below through wordless acts, in the form of tacit bodily knowledge.

Gradually, however, codified templates appeared, and Arne Mattsson's famous film One Summer of Happiness (Hon dansade en sommar, 1951), as a cinematic representation of welfare-state Sweden,25 merely put the dot on the i, but what a dot that was! There was evidently a great need for such a demonstration of the simultaneously "genuine", "natural", and "modern" Sweden: 2.8 million Swedes saw the film. In Örnsköldsvik (in Lappland), 8,827 tickets to the film were sold, although the town only had a population of 7,356. 26

Despite the shock she provoked, the girl who enjoyed one summer of happiness had numerous predecessors. The twentieth-century cult of youth as a concept, with respect for doing more than saying, had an early spokesperson in Sweden in the author Ellen Key.27 On the organizational level, people likewise devoted themselves to the wordless experience of the body and outdoor life, not just in sports but also in an otherwise so scarcely revolutionary forum as the 4H activities in the agrarian movement and the scout movement recommended by the national-romantic poet Heidenstam.28 All this was an integral part of the nation-building and modernization of Sweden.

This combination of strength and endurance, this bodily-democratic and presentative more than re-presentative demonstration of Swedishness, could hardly be materialized in a more obvious and concrete form than in Vasaloppet. Admittedly this ski race is not alone: you can also cycle all the way around Sweden's biggest lake, Vänern, do the Vansbro swimming marathon, enter the women's mini-marathon, and so on. But Vasaloppet is something special. It combines the lofty, patriotic nationalism of the age of Oscar II, Artur Hazelius, and Nils Andersson with the keep-fit nationalism of the welfare state, all in the name of King Gustav Vasa who, according to the myth, founded Sweden by escaping on skis from the pursuing Danes. In a seemingly uncomplicated interplay between the cult of tradition and permanent change, the competitors still race towards the goal in Mora, an arch bearing an inscription in Gothic lettering: "In the trail of the fathers for future victories." The race starts in Sälen on the first Sunday of March, as custom has ruled since 1922. Everything is the same from year to year - and yet different; in the 1930s, 94 per cent of the skiers who finished the race came from Norrland or the provinces of Dalarna and Värmland, and only 6 per cent from the southern half of Sweden. In 1970 the figures were almost reversed, 26 per cent and 69 per cent (the rest were foreigners).29

Vasaloppet has increasingly become an all-Sweden event, and hence a shared Swedish concern in which, paradoxically, they are so sure of the Swedish dimension of the race that international competitors, for example, from France and Italy, are accepted with no great problem. The time is long gone when the skiers were mainly taciturn loggers. Today it is the white-collar workers of urban Sweden who have themselves enrolled in Swedishness by doing something Swedish, by sacrificing themselves. It is not that the skiers start in Sälen with a blue-and-yellow consciousness and a desire to show themselves as genuine Swedes, but the bilberry soup they consume along the course is so Swedish that it cannot be avoided. Although it is true, as the Uppsala historian Harald Runblom has pointed out in a comparison of national political rhetoric in Europe and America, where history is constantly invoked as legitimation, that a Swedish politician would never think of quoting Gustav Vasa's farewell speech to the Swedish Estates,30 many thousands of Swedes nevertheless refer each year withGustav Vasa through their bodies.

Conclusion

In his sophisticated collection of essays, Solskensolympiaden (The Sunshine Olympics), the Swedish literary scholar Per Rydén asks the delicate question: can one run one's way into a language?31 That question is in many ways a suitable conclusion to this paper, in that it indirectly touches on the two questions asked above: (1) How is national identity experienced? (2) What is the relation between concept and body?

The book, with its title referring to the Olympic Games in Stockholm in 1912, is primarily about the way the Olympics were passed on to young people in the countryside. They identified with the games. They ran, as the athletes had done in 1912, thanks to the matrices provided to them by the yellowing pages of old books about the Stockholm Olympics. Here they could read about Swedish heroes, yet the admiration for them did not result in passive reverence; instead it led to activity. They ran and ran, and this running made them Swedish. The Swedish people had come into movement after the Stockholm Olympics. Sport created a popular movement, and with their running Rydén and his childhood friends helped to incarnate the new Sweden which - together with the other Nordic countries - prided itself in being a new, modern society.

The question of whether one can run one's way into a language is not answered explicitly in the book. The answer is shown. Rydén demonstrates how the rural youths behaved like Swedes without being able to put in words what they were doing. What on earth could a sixteen-year-old say about being a Swede? There were no words. They scarcely knew what Sweden was, except that it was where they lived: the lake, the road, and that new filling station. Nationalism came later. First you do things, then comes the interpretation. As an adult Rydén ran the Stockholm marathon, which led him to describe his experience in the following words:

Finally I am inside the Stadium for the first time. It is like coming home. Ever since the Sunshine Olympics this had been the goal of my daydreams. I had been there a thousand times in the sports newspaper Idrottsbladet and on the radio. I could have attested my presence by quoting details. The flag was hoisted on the bell-tower, just as on the diplomas. The whole of this Nordic dream in stone seemed to be floating. And now I am there, as in the dream, and my steps just will not bear me as fast as they do in the dream. But I manage to put on a spurt. Over the finishing line. Well ran!32

Through his run, Rydén creates a Nordic/Swedish continuity in his life. He makes this biographical incarnation visible by accomplishing it in bodily activity, by running; in doing so he is not just enrolled in a Nordic community: he runs his way into it. This is where he belongs, as he experiences through his run. Word and thing can be united.

Putting it all into perspective

Benedict Anderson (1983) shares the credit for deconstructing the concept of nationalism, since he has shown how nationalism is a construction, an "imagined community" in which one does not know all the others but still feels like them.33 In other words, the sense of community is an idea more than the essence and the substantiality that traditional apologists of nationalism have portrayed it as. This praiseworthy debunking, however, has had a certain tendency to skip the important question: how was it possible for this imagined community to become a reality when the members did not know each other, when the community, in Rydén's terms, was based on words rather than things?

The weakness of Benedict Anderson's otherwise so inspiring view of nationalism as a construction and an airy idea is that it tends to ignore the fact that nationalism is also a lived idea, an experience. Otherwise it would scarcely have survived as by far the strongest ideology in the world for more than two hundred years, as the only "metahistory" that has not yet been dismantled.

The fact is that the spiritual community of nationalism has always needed an incarnation, and it has been able to find one.34 In Norway the president of the constitutional assembly, Colonel Diderich Hegermann, in the struggle for national independence in the nineteenth century, wanted to make it a constitutional duty for the ecclesiastical, civil, and military authorities to ensure that the young sons of the country went skiing in the winter.35 In Sweden the utilization of skiing as a distinctive national feature got under way in earnest in the 1880s, after Nordenskiöld's expedition to Greenland in 1883, and skiing was part of the Swedish nation-building around the turn of the century thanks to this and to books such as Elsa Beskow's children's story Olles skidfärd (Olle's Skiing Tour) and Carl Grimberg's history, Svenska folkets underbara öden (The Wonderful Fortunes of the Swedish People), with its cult of Gustav Vasa.36

National identity is not just a demonstration of a pre-existing entity. Danish, Swedish, Norwegian, and Finnish is not primarily something one is, it is something one becomes. National identity is not an identity, a culture that one enters, but rather an articulation process, a creation. Following Eric Hobsbawm's idea that not just nationalism but also national identity must be presented (that is, simultaneously created, confirmed, and ventilated) again and again, the American literary scholar Homi Bhabha calls it "cultural elaboration".37 This means that national identity is constantly on the way to itself; it is created again and again through action. National identity is not something that arises after the event. Its meaning and significance is found in media res. Otherwise people would probably have tired of the idea long ago. Acquiring nationalism in fact means having a reflexive attitude to what one does, to one's actions and physical behaviour.

This everyday side of nationalism is essential if we want to understand why nationalism is not constantly crystallized in war. Here we may return to the ideas put forward by Yi-Fu Tuan: that nationalism in comparison with universalism (but not cosmopolitanism) also contains a "warm glow"38: it consists of habits, of a place to be in the world, of a way of life rather than of principles and ideas. This non-doctrinaire nationalism is probably much more predominant than is generally believed, and it seems to be important when one seeks to explain that we have nevertheless had more years of peace than of war in a century that has been ravaged by nationalism. People do not become murderers by having a sauna, by picking berries in the mountains, or by skiing - and not even by eating Danish ryebread.

Notes

1 Niels Kayser Nielsen: Att tillägna sig det nationella i Norden genom friluftsliv och hälsa - komparative aspekter. Paper präsenterat vid seminaret Norden i Europa - brott eller kontinuitet? Helsingfors 16.-22. 9. 1996.

2 Yi-Fu Tuan: Home and World, Cosmopolitanism and Ethnicity. Key concepts in contemporary human geography, in: The Companion Encyclopedia of Geography. London 1996, p. 947 ff.

3 Orvar Löfgren: Att ta plats: Rummets och rörelsens pedagogik, in: Gunnar Alsmark (red.): Skjorta eller själ? Kulturella identiteter i tid och rum. Lund 1997, p. 21 ff.

4 Orvar Löfgren: Rum og bevægelse, in: Kirsten Hastrup (red.): Den nordiske verden, bd. 1. Kbenhavn 1992, p. 188 ff.

5 Bo Lönnqvist: Tid og rum som ressourcer, in: Kirsten Hastrup (red.): Den nordiske verden, bd. 1. Kbenhavn 1992, p. 102.

6 Bengt Pihlström: Reviret, in: Bengt Ahlfors m. fl: Adress Helsingfors. Helsingfors 1994, p. 85.

7 Claes Krantz: Kurgäster, fiskare och turister, in: Svenska Turistföreningens Årsskrift 1948. Stockholm 1948, p. 263 ff.

8 Ýrnulf Hodne: Idrett og fritid. En mellomkrigsstudie i norsk idrettskultur. Oslo 1995, passim.

9 Jonas Frykman: I rörelse. Kropp och modernitet i mellankrigstidens Sverige, in: Kulturella perspektiv 1992, nr. 1, p. 30 ff.

10 Axel Borgbjærg: Sportens betydning, in: Seier Larsen (red): Idrætten. Kbenhavn 1934, p. 12.

11 Erkki Vasara: För fred och kristen tro. Skyddskårsrörelsens upplysningsverksamhet, in: Historisk Tidsskrift för Finland, vol. 80, nr. 2 (1995), p. 178 ff.

12 Leena Laine: Ruumiinharjoitusten monet muodot, in: Teijo Pyykkönen (red.): Suomi uskoi urheiluun. Helsingfors 1992, p. 183 ff.

13 Hans Magnus Enzensberger: Åh Europa. Kÿbenhavn 1988, p. 207 och Tove Nedrelid: Use of Nature as a Norwegian Characteristic. Myth and Reality, in: Ethnologia Scandinavia. A Journal for Nordic Ethnology 1991, p. 18 ff.

14 Here quoted from Ýrnulf Hodne: Idrett og fritid. En mellomkrigsstudie i norsk idrettskultur. Oslo 1995, p. 45 f.

15 Niels Kayser Nielsen: Svensk malerkunst - en del af forsvenskningen af Sverige, in: Kulturella Perspektiv 1995 nr. 2, p. 35 ff.

16 Maurice Agulhon: Frankrike blir en nasjon. Problemer og kontroverser i nasjonsdebatten, in: Bjarne Rogan (red.): Det nære og det fremmede. Vindu mot fransk etnologi. Oslo 1993, p. 246 f.

17 Niels Kayser Nielsen og Signe Mellemgård: Kropskultur - mellem det internationale, det nationale og det lokale, in: John T. Lauridsen og Margit Mogensen (red.): Kbenhavn - porten til Europa. En antologi. Köpenhamn 1996, p. 52 ff.

18 Henrik Meinander: Lik martallen som rågfältet. Hundra år finlandssvensk gymnastik. Helsingfors 1996, p. 57 ff.

19 Jonas Frykman: In Motion. Body and Modernity in Sweden between the World War, in: Etnologia Scandinavia 1992, p. 47.

20 Jonas Frykman: I rörelse. Kropp och modernitet i mellankrigstidens Sverige, in: Kulturella perspektiv 1992, nr. 1, p. 32.

21 Ibid, p. 36.

22 Eva Palmblad och Bengt Erik Eriksson: Kropp och politik. Hälsoupplysning som samhällsspegel. Stockholm 1995, passim.

23 Hans Hellström: Kultur, arbete, tid. Stockholm 1994, p. 63 ff.

24 Rune Eriksson: Arv att förvalta - Friskt framåt. Stockholm 1985, p. 48 ff.

25 Per Forsman: Det kluvna samhället. Perspektiv på samhällets omvandling. Stockholm 1995, p. 232 ff.

26 Ingmar Norlén: Förbannade Ekström. Stockholm 1993, p. 59.

27 Henrik Berggren. Seklets ungdom. Retorik, politik och modernitet 1900-1939. Stockholm 1995.

28 Klas Sandell och Sverker Sörlin: Naturen som fostrare: Friluftsliv och ideologi i svenskt 1900-tal, in: Historisk Tidsskrift 1994, nr. 1, p. 4 ff.

29 Allan Lundberg: Vasaloppet och vi, in: Svenska Turistföreningens årsskrift 1972: Dalarna, p. 299.

30 Harald Runblom: Majoritet och minoritet i Östersjöområdet. Ett historiskt perspektiv. Stockholm 1995, p. 23.

31 Per Rydén: Solskensolympiaden. Essäer. Lund1994, p. 15.

32 Ibid, p. 68.

33 Benedict Anderson: Imagined Community: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London 1983.

34 Niels Kayser Nielsen: Hälsa och idrott - en modern och nationell angelägenhet, in: Idrott, historia och samhälle. Svenska idrottshistoriska föreningens årsskrift 1994, p. 61 ff.

35 Ýrnulf Hodne: Idrett og fritid. En mellomkrigsstudie i norsk idrettskultur. Oslo 1995, p. 13.

36 Sverker Sörlin: Nature, Skiing and Swedish Nationalism, in: The International Journal of the History of Sport vol. 12, nr. 2 (1995), p. 147 ff.

37 Homi Bhabha: Narrating the Nation, in: John Hutchinson och Anthony D. Smith (red.): Nationalism. Oxford 1994, p. 308.

38 Yi-Fu Tuan: Home and World, Cosmopolitanism and Ethnicity. Key concepts in contemporary human geography, in: The Companion Encyclopedia of Geography. London 1996, p. 947.

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