Aaron Beacom

University of Exeter

Introduction

The relationship of sport to the formation and development of national identity is evident in a variety of ways and has been the subject of detailed analysis within a number of academic disciplines1. The `otherness' of the collective may be articulated through sport, as it is through certain forms of art or literature2. In this way it may contribute to the development of `characteristics' perceived as exclusive to the community or nation. Alternatively, success in sport - either by individuals or groups - may contribute to the elevation of national status in the international arena. In terms of that aspect of identity based on `otherness', sports considered as indigenous or `native' to a community or region have a particular significance. In terms of the development of identity through the enhancement of national prestige, those sports described as `international' - adopting a universal code of rules for the purpose of competition - have the greatest potential. The paper concerns itself with these separate dimensions of national identity and their reflection in the promotion of contrasting forms of sport.

The paper first assesses the current debate concerning the characteristics of national identity. This is followed by a consideration of the relationship between indigenous sport and identity in the context of the well documented `Palio' in Siena and in terms of a range of `folk' activities in pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary Russia. In the case of Russia it introduces the apparent contradiction between the pursuit of `otherness' and the desire for the elevation of national status. This theme is then developed in the context of inter-war Italy where the concern of the Fascist regime to establish a new Italian identity based on fascist ideals, existed - at times uncomfortably - alongside a desire to project the perceived vitality of the regime onto the international stage. The paper argues that concerns with the establishment of national exclusivity and international prestige - and the tension between these concerns - are clearly reflected in Italian sport during that era. The development of Gaelic football in Ireland during the 20th century is compared in this context. Finally arguments concerning sport and identity are considered in terms of the `globalisation' process which leads to increasingly complex local - global relationships and in so doing requires a re-assessment of the link between identity and place.

The term `indigenous sport' refers to a specific group of activities, certain of whose characteristics set them apart from those forms of sport which are played on an international basis. The term indigenous is itself defined as `native' or `belonging naturally (to the soil)' 3. In that sense, any sporting activity is indigenous to some community or country (the country of origin). However the extent to which `indigenous' sport diffuses `outwards' from the country of origin4 is - for a variety of historical and cultural reasons - more limited than in the case of those forms of sport which are considered to be `international'5. This is not to say that indigenous sports must by definition be `traditional' in the sense that they cannot share the characteristics of institutionalisation and regulation evident in those forms of sport considered as `international'. In this sense, it is necessary to make a distinction between `folk games' which do not share such characteristics6, and activities which whilst indigenous, originated and developed as part of the modern sports `tradition'.

The rich diversity of indigenous sport across the continent of Europe clearly cannot be accommodated within this paper. Some, for instance Pelota in the Basque region of Spain, continue to enjoy widespread support in that region and have links with the identity of nations or communities within existing states7. Others exist apparently as little more than `heritage events'; responding to the demand for nostalgia, currently evident as a dimension of the tourist industry. It may indeed, be difficult to determine whether the activity is engaged in as serious sporting pursuit rooted in the history and culture of the host community, rather than as a reflection of a contrived historical theme. The frame of reference of the `participants' (observers or players) will ultimately determine what meaning the activity has for them and what its relationship is to their identity as a member of a community and of a nation8.

National Identity

To possess a sense of belonging - a feeling apparently innate in the human species9 - requires a framework for identifying with the world around us. Kellas (1991, p.15) argues that:

Identity is only partly a spontaneous feeling which people have. It relates to the position they have in society, especially their membership of groups such as churches, which like nations can inspire emotion and supreme loyalties.

Such measurable characteristics as group membership do play a part in the evolving identity of the individual. It is however, the transient and subjective nature of individual or group identity which is problematic in terms of analysis. Wintle (1996, p.5) refers to identity:

..not as a set of essential characteristics but as the ascribed or recognised characteristics which a person or group is agreed to possess. These characteristics may be ascribed to itself by the group but just as importantly, ascribed to the group by otherswe are dealing with perception rather than reality.

It follows from this, that individual or group identity may alter in response not only to changing perceptions within a group, but also as a result of interactions with other groups.

The multi-layered nature of identity is noteworthy. Wintle (1996, p.1) comments that identity is `..made up of many layers interacting at different and changing levels'. Thus it is possible to talk about individual, group and national identity as well as racial or gender identity. Whilst this is self-evident, the complexity of the relationship between these layers is less apparent. A range of factors - including evolving social mores - will influence that relationship. In terms of the influence of political ideology, Hammer (1997, p.321) begins his paper by pointing out that:

Proponents of liberalism have long argued for a separation of private and public identityWhat a liberal society asks its citizens.. is that they have a moral identity for public purposes and to have it irrespective of whatever other, private identities they may also have.

This liberal perception of the relationship between individual and collective identity conflicts with those ideologies whose frame of reference is the collective and which requires personal identity - if recognised at all - to be subservient to collective identity.

In terms of collective identities, identification with the nation is of central concern to this paper. Kellas defines the nation (1991, p.31) as `..a group of people who feel themselves to be a community bound together by ties of history, culture and common ancestry'. He refers to a range of both `objective' or measurable characteristics such as territory, language and religion and subjective characteristics which centre on people's awareness of their nationality and their affection for it. This subjective dimension is developed by Spiering (1996, p.104). He refers to Anderson's argument of the nation as an `imagined communityThe members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow members, meet them or even hear of them; yet in the minds of each lives the image of their community'. Nevertheless, a shared identity evolves out of ideas of a shared historic territory and a shared cultural heritage.

Distinguishing nation from state is dependent upon the fact that ultimately the state is an institutional reality. Gellner (1994) defines the state in this context by viewing it as a territorial political unit within the boundaries of which law enforcing agencies operate. Spiering (1996, p.104) considers this argument as developing from the Weberian perspective which views the state as `that agency within society that possesses the monopoly of legitimate violence'. In the case of the `nation-state' the territory controlled by the state approximates with the territory inhabited by a nation. In this context, nationalism can be defined as an ideology that desires the world to be divided in nation-states. The territory controlled by the state and the historical territory inhabited by the nation may of course, not be congruent and the state may contain more than one national grouping for instance in the case of the United Kingdom. The state may also control only part of the historic territory of a nation. This may in turn, lay the foundations for expansionist rhetoric by the state - witness the Nazi party's pronouncements prior to the re-occupation and annexation of the Czechlands. Such distinctions are important when considering ways in which sport may be used to amplify `difference' or `sameness' within the context of the state.

The link between the nation and nationalism is developed in Kellas' reference to the `national idea' as it emerges from the `ideology of nationalism'. The basis of this argument is the notion of `belonging'. In historical terms this meant the rejection of universalist ideas as it developed in the Enlightenment and a focus on the need for people to be rooted in the nation where they will share a range of common attributes. Language in nationalist ideology is a particularly powerful attribute. It helps engender both a feeling of togetherness and a feeling of `otherness'. Kellas (1991, p.2) focuses on Herder's writings on German nationalism where the Volk is defined by its use of the German language `..and the ancient origins of that language denote the ancient origins of the German folk or nation'. National identity can then, be seen as a combination of a number of `objective criteria' such as language and religion, and subjective perceptions of one's place in the world relative to others10.

In terms of understanding the relationship between national identity and communal relationships, Ignatieff's (1994, p.3) distinction between `civic' and `ethnic' nationalism, are particularly helpful. Civic nationalism is perceived of as focusing on the nation as an all encompassing political entity within which citizens who accept its ideals can enjoy equality of rights. The origins of this essentially `rationalist' approach to nationalism was evident in ideas underpinning the revolutionary movement in 18th century France. The contrasting `ethnic' nationalism reflects aspects of the reactionary 19th century Romantic movement with its focus on blood and sacrifice11. Broadly speaking, the former can be considered as `inclusive' - being tolerant of a diversity of ethnic and linguistic groups within the boundaries of a state - whilst the latter can be considered as `exclusive', focusing on the rights of the dominant ethnic group within the state.

Indigenous sport and collective identity

The idea of tradition - the association with a real or imagined `past' - provides a focus for collective identity and is reflected in the adoption of a range of communal activities, of which indigenous or `native' sport is one. The relatively recent emergence of the nation as a manifestation of collective identity and the existence of nationalist movements aspiring to political recognition - usually in some form of autonomous political unit _ has focused discussion concerning the relationship between sport and collective identity at that level. Eichberg (1997, p.131) notes that:

Over a period of 200 years we arguably see a general picture of rising nationalism tied into growing national sporting differentiation. Hence, industrial modernity is not only characterised by universal standardisation and homogenisation of sport and body culture, corresponding to the homogenising effects of the industrial system, but at the same time it does support a counteracting subversive tendency towards multiplicity and heterogeneity.

Collective identity - and the need to nurture that identity - was a reality prior to the existence of nationalism and the emergence of the nation state. In this sense, it is helpful to begin by considering sport in relation to collective identity within a political unit which pre-dates the nation state. The link between sport and collective identity at national and multi-national level can then be considered as reflecting the historical development of that relationship.

Indigenous sport and the Italian `City State'

In the case of that area of Europe now referred to as `Italy', regions accommodating communities with common interests established themselves during the renaissance period, as political units commonly referred to as `City States'. These formed the focal point for cultural development during a period which preceded the existence of the `nation' as the phenomenon is now defined. Since the predominant form of collective organisation at that time was the City State, it is therefore helpful, when considering activities which reflected the character of the collective, to focus on that political unit. In this context, two `traditional' sporting activities become apparent; these being Calcio Fiorentino (Florentine football)12 and the Palio (Siena).

The internationally publicised festival of the Palio - a horse race around a circular course within the city confines - takes place twice a year in the Italian city of Siena.13 It is a clear example of an indigenous activity reflecting the social and political characteristics of its region of origin. It provides an indication of the extent to which religious belief can underpin individual and collective identity and can reinforce itself through sporting activity.

Siena - `the city of the Virgin' - evolved from a medieval `state' which at it's height encapsulated a series of communities over an area of approximately thirty miles.14 These communities, whilst being contained within the state, retained their own identity. It is noteworthy that whilst the state fragmented in 1555, the recognition of these separate communities having once been tied to Siena is still reflected in the ceremony surrounding the Palio.15

In terms of the delineation of the city, the existence of the `Contrada' or district is of particular note. The number of contrade has varied considerably over time; from as many as 80 during the 14th century; reducing over the years to the 17 which exist today.16 A particularly strong loyalty and sense of identity links the individual to the contrada into which he or she has been born. The key issue in the Palio is its link to that loyalty and the role it plays in reinforcing this localised sense of identity. Hook (1979, p.229) notes that:

The Palio is not some recently created conflict or rivalry like the antagonisms often displayed by modern football crowds. The conflicts are rather, the product of ancient antipathies which the modern participants in the drama of the Palio may not even know they have inherited. ..whatever the underlying reasons, contrada rivalry is real, bitter and intense. ..even today fighting and violence over contrada matters is tolerated during the Palio festival by a society which accepts no other expression of public lawlessness.

She goes on to link the ritualization of violence to the relationship between the early Pali and battle. It had become commonplace during the 13th and 14th centuries for armies besieging cities to run horse races under the walls of the besieged city as a symbol of their dominance over the city.17 The horse race in Siena, though lasting only a very short period (roughly ninety seconds), is in itself an expression of ritualized violence. Hook (1979, p.225) notes that, `the racers seek to dismount each other and are armed with helmets to protect their heads from the shower of blows which will be rained upon them by other jockeys'

Throughout the evolution of the Palio the religious element has been of particular significance in determining the nature of the event18. The celebrated blessing of the horses running in the race is noteworthy. Hook (1979, p.220) comments that, `the Sienese have a long tradition of including animals in their corporate religious life.' This tradition is carried into the event with the blessing of participating horses at the door of the city cathedral before the race - an activity recorded as early as the 17th century. A more recent `tradition' however, entails the horse from each contrada entering the church of that district to be blessed by the contrada priest. The acculumation of `traditional' beliefs around this activity includes according to Hook (1979, p.220), `the popular belief that if a horse defecates during the service of blessing, it is a sign of good luck and thus to be positively welcomed.'

Hook argues that the Palio `cannot be separated from the rest of Sienese experience, and for the (Sienese) man or woman, life and the Palio are synonymous.' The Palio reflects and contributes to the strong sense of identity existing in each contrada. These self-governing communities with their elected leaders, officials and resident priest are viewed as `cities' in their own right. Membership of the contrada is determined by birth and the tribal basis of allegiance is reflected in a range of symbolic acts; in particular the ceremony of baptism into the contrada.

Whilst the Palio is primarily about competition between the 17 contrade, it is by its very nature, responsible for reinforcing a particular perception of Sienese history and so, Sienese identity. Hook (1979, p.231) develops this point commenting that; `It is the celebration of the Palio simultaneously polarising and uniting every section of the city which ensures the maintenance of a distinct Sienese cultural identity.'In a sense then, the Palio promotes identity at two levels; at the localised level of the individual contrada, it contributes to a feeling of `togetherness' whilst enhancing the status of that political and social unit amongst its peers. More significantly however, it contributes to the `otherness' of the Sienese (collective) identity.

Indigenous sport and `Russian' identity

The tension between the desire to protect their `otherness' and the aspiration for engagement in the international community has tradition ally been reflected in the Russian psyche. With its double headed eagle looking at once east toward its Asian `roots' and west toward Europe, efforts to integrate into the greater `European' family continue to be compromised by a divergent identity accentuated by well founded historical fears. Steele (1994, p.xiv) notes that:

One of the features of pre-1917 Russia had been its inability to become a nation or develop a shared sense of what being a Russian means. In the 19th century a long-running debate emerged between what were called the Slavophiles and the Westernizers. The Slavophiles emphasised Russia's special destiny, its semi-Asiatic traditions and Orthodox religious heritage which would always, they argued, set Russia apart from the materialist culture of the West. The Westernizers acknowledged much of the Slavophiles' analysis but claimed that Russia must become more like the rest of Europe if it wanted to prosper.

The issue of indigenous sport and the development of a `Russian' identity, prior to the 1917 revolution has been analysed by Windhausen and Tsypkina (1995) and reflects certain aspects of this historical anomaly. Conflicting attitudes to sporting activities demonstrate the differing perceptions of national identity which existed in Russia at the time. Windhausen and Tsypkina refer to those Russians who perceived their national identity as essentially `European' in nature. This grouping were increasingly urging Russia's participation in the new Olympic Games and in other sporting competitions as part of an attempt to ensure a European dimension to Russian development and to bolster what is described (1995, p.164) as `..the much discussed inferiority complex which had plagued the educated Russian public for over a century.' These aspirations met with strong opposition from the more nationalistic elements who `..distrusted the commercial and aggressive character of European sports and promoted the revival of national games like gorodki, svaiki, and lapta.' Towards the end of the Tsarist period `European' sports were taking root in Russia, despite limited success in the international arena.

Indigenous sport and `Soviet' identity

The political significance of indigenous sport changed during the Soviet era. The utilisation of international sport in the Soviet Union, is clearly documented as being linked to the development of international prestige, respect for the regime and as a mechanism for the development of the `new' homogenised (socialist) Soviet man and woman. Whilst acknowledging that the suppression of diversity played an important role in maintaining hegemony throughout the history of the Soviet Union19, this maintenance also depended - particularly in the post Stalinist era - on accommodation of the great diversity of peoples across the Union20. Arguably one relatively manageable mechanism for the recognition and accommodation of this diversity, was through the medium of indigenous sports and games, which provided a `controllable' forum for the representation of indigenous cultures and tradition. An official publication by the Novosti Press Agency (Yazkuliyev, 1987, p.68) focusing on Turkmenia (now the republic of Turkmenistan), comments that:

National sports, games and competitions have always been a custom among the Turkmenian people, during which dzhigits tried their strength and ability against each other in traditional wrestling matches, called goresh, in archery and racing competitions, and in `battles' with sabres.21

It cites chess, that most `Russian' of Russian pastimes as being the `ancient and popular game among the Turkmenian people' and highlights the priority given to the teaching of chess in the Turkmenian education system. In terms of physical activity, horse racing is accorded a particularly high status with commentary on the organisation of a 1200 Kilometre race marathon, organised to `..draw attention to one of the world's most ancient breeds of horses and to revive the glorious traditions of horse racing festivals.'

Knut Karlsrud (1986, pp.99-108), focuses on indigenous sport as - at his time of writing - representing a continuing significant dimension of sport in Russia. Karlsrud highlights the intimate relationship between the physical environment, lifestyle and `sporting' activities. Karlsrud argued that progress in international sport was happening alongside the continued widespread practice of surviving `pre-industrial' folk games which were perceived as adding to the character of areas within the Soviet Union and contributing to their sense of identity. These games typically reflect a preoccupation with strength and stamina; skills which would have proved important for survival in what were at times, harsh living conditions, often at high altitude.

Karlsrud further commented that many athletes who perform effectively in the traditional folk-games, also go on to excel in `modern' international sport; the clearest examples being the relationship between stone-throwing and shot-putting, and the traditional weight-lifters producing the basis for international weightlifting from the area. It could therefore be argued that it was functional from the point of view of the Soviet authorities, that traditional sports and international sports should exist side by side. This was the case since as well as assisting in the production of quality international athletes, the recognition of localised identity through sports indigenous to particular areas and cultures, contributed positively to efforts aimed at avoiding disintegration of a regime with such a disparate ethnic mix.

Volata and Italian (Fascist) identity - the reaction against international sport as a representation of liberal democratic ideals.

As in the case of Russia and later the Soviet Union, a dominant political ideology will seek to promote a particular perception of national identity which in turn will be promoted through an iconography supportive of that regime. The organisation and presentation of sport may indeed result in it becoming part of that iconography22. The Italian Fascist experiment with `Volata' is a particularly clear illustration of this. The ball game, known as Volata23, appeared in inter-war Italy in 1928 however by the mid 1930's had disappeared almost without trace. It is relevant to this paper in the sense that its development has been perceived as assisting the establishment of a particular form of Italian identity; namely an identity which `fitted' the ideological framework of Fascism. It contrasts with Gaelic football in that its links with political ideology were more overt. It also however, bears certain similarities in the sense that it was utilised in an `exclusive' way, alienating itself from the culture and form of mainstream `Anglo-Saxon' sports. Unlike Gaelic football however, it failed to establish itself on a long term basis and it is helpful to consider why this was the case.

The conclusion of the 1914-1918 war left Italy as a humiliated state; economically weakened, its colonies seized by the victorious powers and with a fragmented domestic political system. Mussolini, capitalising on public disquiet in the aftermath of the war, had through his `march on Rome' in 1922,24 established a National Socialist regime in Italy. National rejuvenation rested at least in part on recovery of national pride and national status in the international arena. The long term survival of the regime also depended upon the establishment of an Italian identity based on the ideological principles of National Socialism. To this end the development of a spirit of patriotism and solidarity was to be achieved through a network of organisations which influenced all aspects of the life of the citizen. Impiglio (1997, p.56) notes that the `failure' of the Italian team at the 1928 Amsterdam Olympic Games - particularly in athletics which it considered to be the least corrupted of international sports - had a profound effect on the Italian psyche. This arguably reinforced the need for action to `re-discover' a sense of national identity and a `national dignity'25.

Part of this process of developing a spirit of patriotism, was an attempt to direct the use of free time and recreational activities in such a way as to enhance support for the regime throughout the populace. A number of organisations were created, of these probably the most significant being: Opera Nazionale Balilla (O.N.B.) the agency responsible for co-ordinating youth movements, Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (O.N.D.) the organisation responsible for co-ordinating after work activities and sports programmes for workers and Gruppi Universitari Fascisti (G.U.F.) the body which incorporated a wide range of fascist university groups. The purpose in developing sport within these organisations was multi-faceted. On the one hand they provided a mechanism for enhancing solidarity amongst members. Additionally, through the launching and promotion of Volata, the O.N.D. played a role in the support of an activity which was perceived as reinforcing the new Italian identity.

In terms of responding to poor sporting performance at regional and international level, CONI - the organisation with responsibility for the Italian Olympic movement - was placed in the hands of the Fascist Turati, who subsequently engineered a strategy for sports development known as `Carta Dello Sport' (a `Charter for sport'). This strategy arguably was a major factor in ensuring success of the Italian team in the 1932 Los Angeles Olympic Games. The mass sports organisations acted as `feeders' for the Olympic movement and in a sense reflected a classic pyramidal sports development model.

In terms of indigenous football within Italy, Calcio Fiorentino - a team sport with medieval origins26 -continues to be played within Florence. The emergence of Volata - whilst to some extent influenced by the continued existence of Calcio Fiorentino - represented a distinctively different sporting activity. Regarding the rationale behind the development of Volata, there was a determination to distance Italian sport from the perceived corrupting influence of specialisation and professionalisation which increasingly underpinned the sporting environment in the Liberal Democracies of Western Europe. Impiglio (1996,p.3) notes that such sport was deemed as `..the real spoilers of bodies and souls'. Ironically Soccer - arguably the most popular sport in Italy at the time - fell into this category, being identified as too individualistic, producing `sports celebrities' with `unbalanced' bodies27.

Initially attempts were made to erase the term `soccer' and replace it with the Latin term `Calcio' in an effort to link it to Italian culture and tradition. However this `re-launching' of the game with a focus on its Italian credentials, was not successful in redeeming the game which at that time it was felt, had lost touch with its amateur origins. A search was carried out, to identify and develop a truly `Roman' sport which did not possess such negative characteristics and which would lend itself to the emergence of `Homo Fascistus.'28 Volata conformed in a number of ways to the `ideal' Italian sport and also provided a `fit' for the `mass' amateur sports objectives of the O.N.D. Impiglia (1996,p.5) comments that the O.N.D. `was a perfect experimental lab to carry out the anti-football game.' If it had been successful, it was anticipated that it would have gradually replaced soccer throughout Italy. It was to have fitted into one of the principles of the O.N.D.; `..to enhance the physical education of the workers through a relatively healthy recreational game'. Concerning the nature of the game, Impiglia (1996,p.5) comments that:

Volata had a lot of qualities. It was an `all-round' sport, a formula which gathered the very best from a range of team games. It was more suitable than football to the Italian `rational' style, since the ball was mainly handled and not kicked. Additionally, the game could be carried out on grounds without expensive installations. Volata was the super fascist sport (sport fascistissimo) whose technical terms were drawn from the `beautiful Italian language' and not the English language. Several of its rules drew inspiration from the old Florentine Calcio. Volata did restore the old spirit of Calcio, which migrated north and then came back under the name of football.

As a newly `manufactured' game, Volata required considerable `top-down' organisational input to ensure its establishment and further development. Impiglia (1997, p.57) notes that after months of secretive training and work on the technical details of the game, it was launched in 1929. The inaugural match on 6th January 1929 was preceded by a barrage of publicity organised by the regime. 10,000 spectators attended the match which generally received a negative response from the crowd. It would appear that the game was considered as somewhat `disjointed' with the ball continually getting caught up in `rucks'.

Despite misgivings amongst the sports establishment, the fascist propaganda machine was utilised to raise the profile of the game. Turati - the chief architect of the game - had the authority within the O.N.D. to suspend the `afterwork' football league and order the switch to Volata. Through the O.N.D. the Italian Volata Federation (F.I.G.V.) was set up and a league structure was put in place. Allied to this, a process of `sports development' was undertaken in order to educate potential players in the rules and technique of the game. Part of this process entailed distribution of leaflets outlining rules and regulations to spectators at the early exhibition matches.

As a result of the considerable resources targeted at the development of the game, it enjoyed a relatively high degree of interest and level of play in the early stages. Impiglia comments that during the 1930 season, there were over 2000 registered teams who played a total of 8375 matches. This level of interest was not sustained however, and the game went into rapid decline, disappearing from the O.N.D. statistics after the 1935 season.

Impiglia (1996, pp.6/7) in considering the reasons for this decline, identifies three major factors. The first relates to the decline in the fortunes of the game's creator, Turati. By the end of 1930 he had left his office at the O.N.D. and his replacement - Starace - was quite happy to allow the decline of a game associated with his predecessor, to go unchecked. The second reason given was that rather than involving the application of minor variations to the already well established and popular sport of soccer, Volata represented a major technical departure which had the effect of estranging it from soccer both in terms of players and spectators. This became increasingly evident as the game evolved; with awareness amongst coaches that hand orientated tactics were most likely to bring success. Finally, the popularity of soccer in Italy proved in the end to be simply overwhelming. In 1934 the Italian national football team became world champions. This naturally drew positive coverage by the Italian press and reflected positively on the regime. The rationale for promoting an indigenous form of football which had been conceived of as an activity which could replace soccer and which was declining in popularity, simply no longer existed. Interestingly, Impiglio (1997, p.57) notes that the activity was subsequently all but forgotten and is not given any coverage in the official histories of Italian football. It is indeed noteworthy, that such histories focus on the significance of soccer as a mass spectacle, which during the Fascist period, was used to reinforce Italian nationalism29.

Volata and Gaelic football - a comparision of fortunes

The evolution of Gaelic football and its link to national identity has been comprehensively documented by historians. Its emergence as a code of football in the late 19th Century in Ireland, was the product - at least in part - of the desire to preserve and develop an identity threatened by British colonialism. This is reflected in debates surrounding the so-called `ban' on participation by members of the G.A.A., in `foreign games' such as soccer.

Whilst the purity of the game is a factor in its identification with an `exclusive' Irish culture, this produces limitations in the sense that play - apart from amongst ex -patriot communities - takes place on a limited scale outside the island of Ireland30. Its players therefore have little opportunity to play for `their country' in international competitions. This it is argued, presents a danger for Gaelic football, since it is asserted, players may be lost to soccer as a result31. The experimentation with `composite' rules football could be interpreted as a response to such lack of opportunity. This integration of two football codes; namely Australian Rules football and Gaelic football does clearly present some opportunity for international competition. Whilst opposition to the move is often presented in terms of the tactical and technical differences in the games, leading arguably to an overall lowering of standards, Sugden and Bairner (1993, p.43) comment that:

The staunchiest resistance to compromise rules comes from the traditionalists within the G.A.A. who argue that the whole concept of the internationalisation of Gaelic games is anathema to the organisation's reason for being: the promotion of a distinctively Irish physical culture. `Compromise rules' football is viewed as a dilution of the ethnic pedigree of Gaelic games and as such a threat to the cause of Irish nationalism.

There would therefore appear to be limited support for attempts to internationalise the sport following this pattern of `compromise'. The `purity' of the game continues to be an important factor in ensuring its continuity and its contribution to Irish identity.

In contrast, the development of international sport in Ireland - whilst in many respects reflecting the ethnic and religious divisions apparent in that society - does provide opportunity for the enhancement of national prestige in the international sporting arena. As Ireland emerges from relative regional isolation to a position of an active participant in regional and international affairs, the significance of sporting achievement in this context, is accentuated.

Comparing the fortunes of Volata to those of Gaelic football, a number of interesting observations can be made. In terms of similarities:

· They were both the result of an attempt to create games with sets of rules and culture of play distinctly different from soccer.

· Rules and regulations were developed to enable play to take place on non-specialist grounds with relatively simple pitch markings.

· There was a particular stress on the importance of the amateur ethos.

· The focus was on the creation of the `ideal' citizen through stress on team work and the development of a range of generalist physical skills

· There was an important link between the terminology of the game and the native language.

In terms of contrasts:

· The manner in which Volata was promoted and imposed suggests a `top-down' model of development for the sport. This contrasts with Gaelic football which developed its base of popularity through the long established Parish structures and in so doing, was able to carry with it a ground-swell of support.

· Gaelic football did not - initially at least - have to compete with such a well established structure of soccer within the country.

· Gaelic football continues to reflect the primary pre-occupation of Irish identity - the necessity to distinguish itself from `Anglo-Saxon' culture and heritage.

Volata, whilst also reflecting `otherness', arguably became less central to Italian identity when the primary pre-occupation of the regime as an aspiring international `player' necessitated a focus on international activities. In order to enhance this position and so its prestige, the rational choice in terms of the development of sport was to focus resources on enhancing the performance of its teams in international sport. This clearly would have facilitated the resurgence of soccer as a `national' sport.

This final point could be viewed as a general argument in relation to indigenous sport in contemporary society, in the sense that it presents a dilemma for nationalist sentiment as it relates to indigenous sport. On the one hand the activity will clearly reinforce the feeling of `otherness' and so assist in the development of national identity. On the other hand however, it does not provide a medium through which national prestige may be promoted on the international stage. When such prestige is perceived as a `state priority' a change in the direction of policy toward sport will result. The Libyan experience of sports promotion, documented by Eichberg (1997, pp.87-99) to some extent reflects this dilemma. He comments on efforts to protect and promote traditional bedouin games partly as symbolic of the determination to resist the cultural imperialism if the `West'. He goes on however, to identify the emerging contradiction of a regime which continues to promote such traditional games whilst at the same time encouraging the development of Olympic sport as a vehicle for demonstrating the progressive and dynamic nature of Libyan society. He refers to:

..official publications where precisely the kinds of conventional sport that have been severely criticised are held up as models worthy of emulation. In self advertising Libyan picture books, one sees stadiums which Gaddafi himself has decried, hailed as outstanding achievements of the revolutionary state.

It would of course, be inconsistent with experience on the ground, to view indigenous sport as necessarily divisive through its focus on `otherness', as indeed it would be to consider international sport as necessarily a force for mutual understanding between divided communities or nations. In each case - indigenous and international - it is to a large extent the way in which the activities are administered and the emphasis placed by organisers and promoters on their divisive characteristics, that will determine how individuals and groups identify with the activities and ultimately how those activities relate to the evolution of national identity32.

Indigenous sport, identity and the globalising process

In terms of future developments in relation to indigenous sport, arguments concerning the process of `globalisation' have particular relevance. At issue here is what Blain et al (1993) describe as the emerging; `..relationship between globalising and localising forces which characterise post-modern geographies'. There is however, a general perception that the globalising process will inevitably take place to the detriment of localised identities and those activities which represent such identities. In this context it is interesting to note Brailsford's comments (1975, p.131) that:

..just as the growth of internal communication within a country saw a gradual decline of local forms of sport and the evolvement of national games, so growing international communication is likely to make it more difficult to sustain purely national forms of play at the expense of those which are international in character.

Such a perception is at odds with theories of globalisation which focus on the complexity of local / global relations which at times result in the ascendancy of localised characteristics. Guibernau (1996, p.128) defines globalisation as; `the intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring miles away and visa versa'33. Central to Guibernau's theory is the dynamic relationship between the local and the global. The process of globalisation may for instance, result in the strengthening of particularistic identities which, whilst not necessarily `local', will have their roots in a specific `localised' set of beliefs or values. Guibernau utilises the example of Islamic fundamentalism as a radical movement which, whilst, opposed to what may be viewed as the hallmarks of the globalising process - modernity and secularisation - have utilised certain characteristics of the process to its advantage. In this sense, revolutionary developments in transport and communications, added to a deepening sense of anomie within Western society, have encouraged disparate groups across the international community to look toward established belief systems in order to provide them with a suitable value system34. This `transnational' phenomenon is reflected in Northern European Celtic cultures where numerous examples of Celtic organisations and events which cut across national boundaries, are evident. Whilst international forms of sport can and do play a part in such events, so to do sports indigenous to Celtic cultures (as opposed to Celtic `nations'). Eichberg (1997 p.133) refers to the `Inter-Celtic' festival in Lorient (Brittany) where in recent years; `..Celtic wrestling and traditional Breton competitions came to play an increasingly significant.'

A consideration of indigenous sport in a transnational context may also be viewed in terms of the development of those activities which traditionally have a strong national focus. The revolution in transport and communications has enabled much closer relationships between immigrant communities and their `motherland' to develop. In this context, the growth in the number of Gaelic football teams now in existence in Irish communities outside Ireland is noteworthy.

Contrasting with this process of transnationalism as an element of globalisation is the renewed emphasis on national identity. Guibernau (1996, p.133) argues that:

Nationalism appears as a reaction to two intrinsic constituents of modernity that are closely linked to globalisation - radical doubt and fragmentation. in a world of doubt and fragmentation tradition acquires new importance. It appears as an intrinsically meaningful routine that stems from the common past of a concrete community.

This nationalism, whether developed from (highly selective) common memories require traditional activities to underpin it and it is in that context that indigenous sport can be of particular significance. Furthermore, it could be argued that any reaction against the `global' culture of the international sporting environment is part of the reaction against the globalisation process generally. Bale's arguments regarding the `placelessness' of modern sport (1994, pp.97-118) encapsulates the distinct differences between international and indigenous sport in this respect. On the one hand he views international sport as contributing to `the general weakening of distinct and diverse experiences and identities' - what he refers to as the `placelessness syndrome'35. On the other hand indigenous sports; by definition, were `place conscious'; developed in response to local conditions36. This must however, be considered alongside transnational themes even within the context of place conscious indigenous activities. Eichberg's (1997, pp.157-159) reference to the `transterritoriality' inherent in festivals of popular sport and traditional games, which cut across nation state boundaries, provides the conceptual framework for considering this development.

Tension between identity and place which is inherent in the globalisation process, is then reflected in the relationship of sport to identity. It may be argued that a clearer understanding of that tension can be gained through the analysis of trends in the development of indigenous forms of sport.

Conclusion

Pivato (1996, p.132) referring to the victory of the Bologna soccer team in the 1937 Paris exhibition tournament, notes a comment from an Italian official that they had:

won a hard battle using the virile style and irresistible attack that characterises Fascist athletesThey present themselves before the crowds of the whole world in the image of their nation; young, valiant, combative everywhere, at every moment, in every action.

For the Italian Fascist movement, soccer - despite its connections with Anglo Saxon culture - had become a favoured medium through which they could project the impression of the young and vibrant nation based on Fascist principles. Yet even at that time, opposing perceptions of what should constitute Italian national identity, existed. The Catholic church - whilst empathising with the anti-Communist policies of the Fascist regime - was attempting to promote a different perception of national identity which was rooted in traditional catholic values37.

The nature of the relationship between sport and national identity evident in such an experience, reflects the limitations inherent in viewing identity as a phenomenon rooted in a single set of objective characteristics. National identity is transient in nature, being dependent upon political and social context and evolving over time. Whilst these factors mitigate against a deterministic interpretation of the relationship between sport and national identity, nevertheless certain propositions can be made. In particular, whilst any form of sport has the potential to contribute to identity formation, `exclusive' characteristics peculiar to indigenous sport, enable such activities to contribute significantly to this process earlier in the chronology of `nation building' when `separateness' is of particular importance. When the preoccupation becomes one of recognition in the international arena, sporting activities with an international currency take on a particular significance.

The development of an identity is however, not a one-dimensional process. Theories of globalisation demonstrate this in the sense that established identities may become challenged by the globalising process and the response of local populations may be to re-focus on activities which accentuate their exclusivity. The resurgence of interest in minority languages is a case in point; indeed the link between such language and indigenous sport is noteworthy. The post bi-polar growth in nationalist movements and the corresponding establishment of newly independent states whose territories are roughly congruent with the nation's historical territory, would also support the argument of an increased focus on those activities which have as their frame of reference, a `national' identity. At the same time, transnational trends even within such place conscious activities as indigenous sport, must form part of the analysis of sport in the globalisation process. Whilst the continued existence of indigenous forms of sport seems assured, less clear is the nature of the link with `place' and their corresponding relationship to place centred identity.

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Thanks:

Prof. Marco Impiglio, Rome - for his papers relating to the sport of `Volata'.

John Needle, Exeter College - for translating from Italian to English.

Jeffrey Stanyer, University of Exeter - for comments on first draft.

Notes

1 A range of publications - relating to sociological, anthropological, historical and political studies - make reference to the relationship between sport and identity generally and more specifically, sport and national identity. Amongst the many recent papers exploring this relationship are:

Stevenson T. & Alancy A., `Football In Yemen: Rituals Of Resistance, Integration And Identity', in - International Review for the Sociology of Sport (I.R.S.S.), Sept97, Vol 32, No.3, pp.251-265.

Cronin M., `Which Nation, Which Flag? Boxing And National Identities In Ireland', in - I.R.S.S., June 97, Vol 32, No.2, pp. 131 - 146.

Callede M., `Basque Pelota In The European Space: Towards A Sociological Use Of Notions Of Sporting Evolution And Diffusion' in - I.R.S.S., 1993, Vol.23, No.2/3, pp.224-243.

Pivato S., `Italian Cycling And The Creation Of A Catholic Hero: The Bartali Myth', in - I.J.H.S., March 1996, Vol.13, No.1, pp. 86-100.

Amongst other publications, MacClancy (ed.) Sport Identity And Ethnicity, Berg, 1996., explores the relationship from both a localised and national perspective.

Bale J. & Philo C. (ed), Body Cultures - Essays on Sport, Space and Identity, Routledge, (1997) contains a collection of recent work by H. Eichberg. The work is noteworthy in that he presents body culture or movement culture as representing a continium of physical activities encapsulating international `Olympic' sport, popular or public forms of sport, and traditional folk games - as well as `non-sportised' activities such as those which developed through various 19th century gymnastics movements. He considers all activities within the body culture continium as reflecting the characteristics and contradictions of the society within which they are taking place, and so inevitably forming part of the collective identity. In reflecting the characteristics of society they will by definition, reflect the changing nature of that society. This argument is developed in chapter eight - `A Revolution of Body Culture' - where he presents a compelling argument for the inevitable reversal of the `sportisation' of body culture in a `postmodern' society, where the impetus toward an increasingly regimented lifestyle is lost, to be replaced by a developing spirituality.

Earlier work which addresses the relationship between `non-sportised' forms of physical activity and national identity are: Bonde H., `Farmers Gymnastics In Denmark In The Late 19th And Early 20th Century: A Semiotic Analysis Of Exercise In Moral Action', in - I.J.H.S., August 1993, Vol.10, No.3, Kruger M., `Body Culture And Nation Building: The History Of Gymnastics In Germany In The Period Of It's Foundation As A Nation-State', in - International Journal of the History of Sport (I.J.H.S.)., Dec 96, Vol.13, No.3, pp.409-417.

2 The subject of attention for art or literature which aims to express the `national' character, may indeed be sport. Beckles and Walcott (1995 pp.370-398) refer to the `popular ideology of West Indian cricket crowds' as it is expressed through music and literature.

3 Definition taken from The Oxford Dictionary (4th ed.) 1969.

4 Guttman's recent work (1994) deals extensively with the diffusion of `modern sports'. He notes the contrasting patterns of diffusion experienced by different sports, as a result of the varying cultural and political circumstances within which diffusion took place.

5 The fact that an indigenous sport may be played on a limited basis, outside the country of origin, does not negate this argument. When it does take place - for instance in the case of Gaelic football - the frame of reference and sense of identity remains with the `mother' country.

6 Traditional or `folk' games are at the same time, the subject of continuing evolution; being influenced by the environment within which they are situated. Guttman (1994, p.p.157-168) refers to what he perceives as the `apparently irresistable modernization of traditional sports'. Through a series of changes which are often piecemeal and apparently insignificant, the activity is rationalized in a similar way to modern sports. He goes on to argue nevertheless, that such sports may continue to retain many of their `pre-modern characteristics and their hold on the popular imagination'.

7 Cuddon (1980, pp.593-598) Pelota is a form of racquet or hand ball where a solid leather ball is played either against a `back' wall only or a back and (left hand) side wall - the size and nature of the court (known as a `fronton') differing dependant upon the variation of the game being played. The four documented variations currently in existence are; pelota `mano' (played with the hand), pelota `pala' (played with a short bat), pelota `trinquete' (played with a racquet and similar in some respects to the international game of squash) and pelota `cesta punta' (played with a kidney shaped basket strapped to the arm). The popularity of these variations is dependant upon the region with trinquete and cesta punta being played mostly in the north of the Basque country. Whilst interviewing Alberto Martinez, a Basque television journalist, concerning the nature of media coverage of the game, he noted that it was broadcast only in the Basque language. Further comments referred to the fact that the fronton (traditionally located close to the church) is a popular gathering place for Basque speakers. During the Franco regime, there was some concern expressed regarding the potential of such activities to act as focal points for separatist sentiment and attempts were made to exercise a greater degree of control over the governing body of the game - the `Federacion Vasca de Pelota'.

8 An underlying assumption throughout the paper is that a sporting activity as a physical act, is not `political' in itself. The social and political context within which it takes place, does however have the potential to `politicise' the activity. In this sense, sport becomes of interest to those concerned with relationships between political entities.

9 Kellas (1991, pp.8-19) in the opening chapter examines the claims of some sociologists regarding the link between human traits and the characteristics of nationalism and ethnicity.

10 Szajkowski et al (1996, p.28) focus on the notion of objective and subjective elements in terms of defining and understanding ethnicity. They note that: 'The objective elements cover characteristics which are actually held in common: perhaps kinship, physical appearance, culture, language, etc.The subjective elements rest on the feeling of community. What is important here is the representations which the group has of itself, whether or not those representations are actually correct. The group may purvey a historical narrative of its origins, possibly claiming common ancestory, which may be largely fictitious. Yet myths can be potent and it is the group's representations of itself that are important.'

11 Russell (1961, p. 653) presents an argument for the link between the Romantic movement and 19th century nationalism which he presents as reacting against the rationality which underpinned much of the thinking during the era of the French revolution.

12 Bredekamp , Calcio Fiorentino; Il Rinascimento dei giochi, il Melango, 1995.

13 Orlandini (www.tesre.bo.cnr.it/-mauro/Ferrara/palio.) refers to a similar Palio which is held in the town of Ferrara every year and which is linked through a series of formal ceremonies, to the patron saints of the town.

14 Hook (1979, p.p.172-193). This state or Republic existed as an autonomous unit until it's fall in 1555, after which time the city administrators lost control of the outlying communes which they had administered.

15 There has long been a tradition of distinct communities within the city boundaries. Sensi (1995, p.4) notes that delineation as far back as the 13th century was reflected in the so called `thirds' of the city: San Marino, Camollia and the City (centre area). The `thirds' of the city reinforced their identity and dealt with minor disputes through what are variously described as `warlike games' or even on occasion `mock battles'. Sensi (1995, p.5) refers to the case of the `Elmora' where a quarrel between the `thirds' of the city led to street battles where combatants employed such weapons as long poles, stones and metal-reinforced gauntlets. Over time such activities were replaced by jousts and tourneys, however the struggle to control these activities was to continue.

16 Sensi (1995, p.4) notes that the effects of the `Black Death' in 1348 led to many of the original 80 disappearing whilst others were incorporated into neighbouring districts. This gradual incorporation continued until 1729 when the number was fixed at 17, at which it remains today.

17 Hook (1979, p.230) notes that such Pali were not restricted to Siena. She comments on the race run in the summer of 1289 when the Florentines laid siege to Arezzo when `..they caused a Palio to be run there for the festival of St. John'.

18 The central role of religion in the life of the city is reflected through the Palio . Bowsky (1981, pp.274-5) notes: `Nowhere is the reciprocal relationship between religion and the world, between Church and state, more manifest than in the Sienese devotion to the virgin Mary.' The festival of the Assumption - 15th August - is of particular significance to the Sienese calendar and a number of ceremonies and festivities developed around this date. Bowsky quotes from a decree of 17th June 1310: `That there be a festivity and joy in honour and reverence of God and of the blessed Virgin Mary in the city of Siena on the festival of the said Virgin Mary in the month of August, of a Palio'

19 The origins, evolution (and decline) of Soviet hegemony is well documented. See Barner-Barry & Hody (1995) particularly `Political Culture' (pp.32 - 58) and `Unravelling the Paradox of the Soviet Union' (pp. 59 - 81).

20 Olson (1994, pp.753-757) lists 126 ethnic populations in the former Soviet Union (statistics compiled for the years 1926-1989). Whilst a number of these were relatively small populations of peoples migrating to the S.U. from Western Europe, nevertheless the list does illustrate the great diversity of the overall population in ethnic terms. Further statistical evidence (pp.755-759) illustrates the extent to which this diversity is reflected in religious and linguistic affiliation.

21 Yazkuliyev, (1987, pp.70-74 ) implies not only freedom of expression existed in relation to indigenous sports and customs but active encouragement of such activities by the Soviet Regime.

22 Riefenstahl's work in producing `Olympia' can in some respects, be considered in this context. See Mandell (1984) on representations of the 1936 Berlin Olympics.

23 Impiglio (1997, p.55) notes that the term `Volata' relates to the notion of `flight'.

24 Whittman (1995, p.p.34/5), provides a full account of the `March on Rome'.

25 `The Times' newspaper (25th June, 1932, p.13c) notes this concern that; `the dignity of a country' - in this case the United Kingdom - could potentially be damaged as a result of poor performance of the national team at the Olympic Games.

26 Messeri (mega@mega.it) records the origins of Florentine football as mid 16th century. She argues that; `A sport with similar characteristics called `Arpasto' is known to have been popular among the Roman legionaries in ancient Florence. The game does in fact use the same pattern as that employed for the battle order of the Roman army. In the 1500's it was usually played in the major Florentine squares A field of sand was spread over the site chosen for the four teams to meet. These were the green, red, white and blue teams who represented the Florentine quarters of the period: San Giovanni, Santa Maria Novella, Santo Spirito and Santa Croce.'

27 Impiglio (1996, p.3) refers to a feeling at the time, that a game based solely on the action of kicking the ball resulted in individuals with over-developed lower bodies and under-developed upper bodies.

28 Thompson (1991, Preface)

29 Milza `Il Football Italiano: Una Storia Lunga Un Secolo' in Italia Contemporanea, no. 183, 1991, pp.245-255.

30 O'Bogaigh (1984) notes that the G.A.A. is represented in those countries which traditionally have a strong Irish immigrant population. As a result, it has representation and runs Hurling and Gaelic Football teams in England, Canada U.S.A. and Australia.

31 Arguably another reason for the `drain to soccer' is that Gaelic Football as with all Gaelic sports, is played on a strictly amateur basis. This may encourage players in certain circumstances, to move into the professional soccer environment.

32 The introduction of Gaelic football as part of the sports curriculum of `integrated' (mixed religious) schools in Northern Ireland could be viewed in this context.

33 Guibernau (1996, p.128), identifies three perspectives from which globalization can be addressed; `..The first is the global character of the nation-state system in so far as the political arena is based upon the division into sovereign unities that rule within clearly demarcated territories and have the capability of acting at a supranational level. In this respect the nation-state has become the political actor par excellence on a global scale. The second is the role of capitalism as a fundamental globalizing influence that touches upon the economic order The third is the creation of a global scientific community within which a constant flow of information allows a rapid diffusion of ideas'.

34 Szajkowski, Niblock & Nonneman (1996, pp.27-28) whilst focusing on the link between Islam and ethnicity, they note that; `Islam has traditionally been a religion which draws in people from many different cultures and races. It has shown a remarkable ability to imbue it's followers with a consciousness if their oneness within the Islamic umma and has emphasised the irrelevance of differences in skin colour, language and race'.

35 Bale (1994, p.101) does argue however, that `regional inflection' in international sport does help to some extent, to counteract its homogenising influence. Distinct `national' styles in the playing of soccer could be viewed as one instance of this.

36 By this we refer to physical conditions in the sense that they were determined for instance by the amount of space available and the nature of that space. Local `cultural' conditions also played a part in the sense that indigenous language may for instance, be used in relation to the terminology surrounding the game.

37 Pivato (1996, pp.128 - 138), explores these conflicting perceptions of national identity in the context of regime response to successes of the Italian cyclist, Bartali, who was a pious Catholic and as such was upheld by the Church as symbolising the ideal `Italian' citizen.