G. Jarvie and I. A. Reid

University of Stirling, Scotland

Introduction

By the year 1999 Scotland will have a new Parliament, the first in Scotland since 1707. This Parliament will not make Scotland a homogenous entity. Within months of the country-wide endorsement in September 1997 of a devolved Parliament divisions were already apparent, as Scotland's two major cities, Edinburgh and Glasgow, were involved in a public debate over which city should be the temporary home of the Parliament (The Scotsman, 17 March 1998; Daily Record, 20 March 1998;The Scotsman, 21 March 1998; The Scotsman, 22 March 1998; The Scotsman, 24 March 1997). In short, from the moment of its creation, Scotland has always been an uneasy partnership of very different communities. Sport, therefore, should not be used as a fallacious guide to undifferentiated Scottishness but rather as a subtle reflection of social, cultural and political diversity. The argument at the heart of this paper is that sport reflects some of the many indices or different images of nationhood and peoples represented at any given time.

Various sporting heroes and heroines may have contributed to the continued existence of a separate Scottish identity, but many of them had differing notions of what Scotland was, or should be. Nevertheless they all have experienced a sense of belonging to the idea of a nation or imagined community called Scotland. Performances by teams and individuals have developed and reinforced a belief in the idea of a unified Scotland. Sporting patriots have helped to produce a sense of nationhood that conceals real divisions and plurality within Scotland. The following have all played their part: Belle Robertson, James Braid, Sandy Lyle, and Colin Montgomery (golf); Benny Lynch, Jim Watt, Ken Buchanan, Walter McGowan and the 8th Marquis of Queensberry (boxing); Alex James, Jim Baxter, Jock Stein, Matt Busby and Kenny Dalglish (football); David Sole, Gavin Hastings, Gary Armstrong (rugby); Jocky Wilson, Les Wallace, Sharon Wallace (darts); Willie Carson (horse-racing); Stephen Hendry, John Higgins and Alan McManus (snooker); and Barclay-Allardice, Donald Dinnie, Eric Liddell, Ian McCafferty, Yvonne Murray, and Liz McColgan (athletics).

What is true of heroes and heroines is also true of sporting occasions. The context and timing of rugby at Murrayfield in the 1990s was different from that of soccer at Hampden or Wembley in the 1960s or 1970s, but the symbolism was similar. These phenomena, in turn, were symbolically different from the politics of nationhood associated with sport in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. Shinty and the Highland Land League activists of the 1880s, the actions of those crofters who tore down deer fences in protest against the development of sporting estates, and the symbolism of crown, state and nation associated with Queen Victoria, Braemar Highland Games and Balmoral during the 1840s and 1860s all contributed to different expressions of sport, culture and nationhood. Nonetheless the likes of Denis Law (football), Liz McColgan (athletics), John Murdoch (shinty) and Archibald Chisholm (founder of Strathglass Shinty Club) have also expressed a sense of belonging to the idea of a Scottish nation or solid community and have contributed to the processes of defining what it meant to be a Scot in the nineteenth or twentieth centuries. They all implicated sport in these processes. Yet these exemplars are as different as they are similar and therefore any nominal notion of unity is misleading.

Culture, including sporting culture, in all nations is invariably political. Yet the culture of stateless nations, arguably, is more acutely political because the questions that their cultural and political activists ask about sport are often those questions of nationhood, national identity and political autonomy. The respective politics of sport and nationhood in the writings of, for example, John Murdoch in the 1860s and 1870s was different from that of Compton Mackenzie in the 1920s, Neil Gunn in the 1930s, Tom Johnston in the 1940s, and Jim Sillars and Alex Salmond in the 1990s. Nonetheless they all had something to say about sport and Scotland and acknowledged that sport does not exist within a cultural and political vacuum.

There is a danger, at least in the case of Scotland, that any discussion of the relationship between sport, nationalism and culture will conceal the social and cultural diversity of Scotland. The Dundonian thinks Aberdeen is a distant and joyless place. The class-obsessed Edinburgher looks down sniffily at the Glaswegian while the Zetlander (from Shetland) remains uncompromisingly Norse. Any historical consideration of the relationship between sport, nationalism and culture in Scotland must be sensitive to the geography of these communities and localities that have made their own specific contributions to the various images of nationhood in Scotland.

In looking at some general social and political arguments about the relationship between sport, nationalism and Scotland, this paper asserts that any true understanding of this relationship must be specific in terms of content, time and place. Scotland, like England, has operated on at least two levels. There is the apparently homogenous Scottish nation that speaks through BBC Scotland, or is highly visible at major sporting internationals such as those at Murrayfield (the national rugby stadium) or Hampden Park (the national football stadium). Just below this apparently homogenous veneer, however, is a heterogeneous patchwork of regional and historical tensions that have developed over ten centuries. The Highlander's outlook on life, for example, from the preservation of the Sabbath through to the importance of football in the national psyche is very different to that of his or her counterpart in the central belt.

In addressing such concerns this paper has been organised under three headings appropriate to the arguments in the paper: 1. Scottish Sport, Politics and Society; 2. Sport, Nationalists and the Scottish National Party; and 3. Sport, Notions of Nationalism and Ideas about Scotland. Section 1 provides a brief but necessary overview of some of the existing literature and arguments that have been used to explain the relationship between politics, nationalism and Scottish sport in particular. Section 2 looks at the specific history of the relationship between sport and various nationalist movements in Scotland. Section 3 is more critical in that it critically evaluates the different images and identities that contribute to what is Scotland. It argues that Scotland is not a homogenous or even united stateless nation and as such should not be viewed as one. It shows that different notions of the relationship between sport, politics and nationalism have changed historically.

Scottish Sport, Politics and Society

Studies of sport and domestic government policies, sport and international relations and sport and political ideologies are now quite common and have contributed to our understanding of the close relationship between sport, culture and society (Duke and Crolley, 1996; Holt, Mangan and Lanfranchi, 1996; Kidd, 1982; Kuper, 1994; MacClancy, 1996; Mangan, 1995). The idea that sport and sporting achievements contribute to a nation's greatness and transcend internal strife and social deference is but one argument that has been dressed in a number of guises and set in a number of comparative contexts. In the 1960s the then Labour Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, made great political mileage out of England's World Cup victory. Throughout the 1970s Julius Nyerere of Tanzania often remarked that in developing nations sport helped bridge the gap between national and global recognition. Immanuel Wallerstein (1987:279) argued that African citizens could feel affection for the victorious athlete and the nation. He suggested that this affection might not have existed in the first instance given the social and ethnic divisions within African nation-states constructed out of imperialism. The process necessary to develop this affection depended on athletes accepting the respective politics of the nation and working with the respective party structures. During the 1980s a key element of African National Congress (ANC) policy in South Africa was `One Can Not Play Normal Sport in an Abnormal Society'. By the 1990s President Mandela argued that sport had become part of the new glue that held the nation together. This was exemplified by South Africa's victory in the 1995 Rugby World Cup that was seen as symbolic of a new post-apartheid era (Jarvie and Reid, 1999).

Some of Scotland's leading historical and sociological intelligentsia have expressed an ambivalent attitude towards the place of sport in Scottish culture. In The Break-Up of Britain (Nairn, 1981) sport is reduced to a form of mindless sub-cultural nationalism and it is noticeably absent in Politics and Society in Scotland (Brown, McCrone and Paterson, 1996) or Understanding Scotland: The Sociology of a Stateless Nation (McCrone, 1992). In The Autonomy of Modern Scotland (Paterson,1994) there are lengthy discussions of autonomy, patriotism and cultural identity, yet the relative autonomy of sports organisations like the Scottish Football Association is not considered. Only two articles on the economics of sport have appeared in the journal Scottish Affairs since it was launched in 1990, although this is a hundred per cent improvement on the Scottish Government Yearbook of the preceding decade.

In contrast, Martin Polley has recently stated that a significant body of work about Scottish sport now exists within mainstream academic discussions about Scotland (Polley, 1998:39). Sport is celebrated on page one of Scotland: A New History (Lynch,1991). Whole chapters are devoted to the economics of sport in The Anatomy of Scotland: How Scotland Works (Linklater and Denniston, 1992) and sport as an aspect of mass culture is considered in No Gods and Precious Few Heroes: Scotland Since 1914 (Harvie, 1993). A growing body of research has added to our knowledge and understanding of aspects of sport and rational recreation in both popular and elite Scottish cultures. Some examples are Callum Brown's contribution to Scotland in the 20th Century (Brown,1996), H. F. Moorhouse's (1989) work on Scottish football supporters, W. Hamish-Fraser's discussion of developments in leisure (Hamish-Fraser,1991) and J. A. Mangan's discussions of athleticism and the public school (Mangan, 1981). More recently Gerry Finn (1994) and Joseph Bradley (1995;1998) have taken our understanding of sport and religious identity beyond the `Old Firm' ground covered by Bill Murray (1984).

Comments about the relationship between Scottish sport, nationalism and culture have tended to rely upon a number of general arguments. These can be summarised as follows:

1. Sport helps to reinforce locality and a national Scottish identity that is apart from and opposed to a British identity (Smout,1994:106).

2. The antics on the terraces of the `Tartan Army' of Scotland football supporters are both a display of anti-Englishness and a carnival. Watching football abroad has become another Scottish working class tradition like Hogmanay parties and Glasgow Fair mass invasions of holiday resorts (Richard Giulianotti, The Herald, 22 January,1994:8).

3. Scottish sports occasions provide an outlet for the emotional energy of a frustrated nation. This is often seen as a substitute for political action (Jim Sillars. The Herald, 24 April, 1992:1).

4. Sport is an arena in which submerged nations, like Scotland, can assert themselves and play a role in international affairs (Drucker cited Forsyth, 1990:178).

5. In the 1990s, sport in Scotland contributes to an establishment-oriented type of nationalism, which would have caused John Smith or Tony Blair some anxiety if it had been heard at Ibrox or Hampden (Kemp, 1993:217).

6. Sport is not and never can be separate from its social and political context. The social ambience of sports is shaped by that aspect of the nation or that sector of society that gave it life and sustains it. A game has no class bias but people do (Jimmy Reid, The Herald, 17 March 1995:15).

7. Highland sports of the Victorian period in Scotland promoted the glamour of backwardness and legitimised the belief that the past could not provide a basis for political mobilisation in the present. This also contributed to the popularisation of the monarchy and helped cement an Anglo-British version of the relationship between crown, state and nationhood (Nairn, 1981:213-322).

8. Separate sporting structures in Scotland, like the Scottish Football Association, are part of the distinct civil society that defines Scottish sport as a national institution (Kellas, 1990:9-11).

9. Surely there are better ways of celebrating a nation than football with its assumed demotic working class status. It is argued that football in Scotland bolsters working-class romanticism, which is at odds with Scotland's experience as a country which is proud of the opportunities it affords for social mobility. Furthermore its posturing proletarianism as the people's game, the national game, is at odds with Tony Blair's image of New Labour (Gavin Stamp, Scotland on Sunday, 29 December 1996:18).

Two further points should be made about the relationship between Scottish sport, nationalism and politics. The first concerns the apparent failure of nationalism in Scotland to embrace Parliamentary, or high, politics prior to the twentieth century. Michael Fry has postulated that the weakness of nationalism in Scotland has been the lack of political history at the right time (Fry, 1987:1-5). In the mid-nineteenth century when Scotland could have been turning its nation into a nation-state, it was integrating itself into empire and Britishness and was a nation within an imperial state. Both Tom Nairn (1985:155) (cultural sub-nationalism) and Marinell Ash (1980:10) (historical failure of nerve) provide powerful theses on the inadequacies of political nationalism in nineteenth century Scotland which, they contend, resulted in cultural infirmity. Second, despite what Nairn (1995) refers to as upper and lower case nationalism there is an unspoken assumption about nationalism: that is, for Scottish nationalism to be proper, (i.e. nationalism in the classical European sense) then it must demand its own state. In this way, to utilise Ernest Gellner's terminology, the Scottish nation and the Scottish State would be congruent (Gellner, 1983:1; Hobsbawm, 1999:9).

To adopt Gellner's argument as a guiding principle for considering the relationship between sport, nationalism and culture in Scotland is problematic for at least three reasons. First it fails to acknowledge the role of culture and civil society in keeping ideas about Scotland and nationalism alive prior to the twentieth century, the period during which Scottish political nationalism emerged. Second, it marginalises different kinds of political feelings and diversity in Scotland and it disregards the changing manifestations of nationalist sporting fervour. Third, as a guiding principle it fails to recognise the nature and content of different notions of nationalism, other expressions of nationhood or ideas about Scotland or the plurality of regional and sporting cultures in Scotland. Sport may not have featured prominently on the high ground of Scottish political nationalism, but it has not been an innocent by-stander either. As we hope to show, sport has contributed to both cultural and political nationalism at different periods in Scottish political and cultural history.

Sport, Nationalists and the Scottish National Party

The quest for identity, nationhood or independence usually draws upon romanticism, mythology, invented tradition and objective cultural artefacts (e.g. flags, songs, and great sporting moments depicted in local heroes and heroines TV advertisements). Whatever elements form the basis of nationalist expressions, all expressions of identity and nationhood are selective, timebound and expressive. In this way all nations have at some point indulged in some imagining.

The imagining of and about nations may occur on at least three levels: 1. as limited in the sense that it has boundaries; 2. as free in the sense that it is under a sovereign state; and 3. as a divided or united community which expresses itself through forms of symbolic actions and comradeship. Benedict Anderson (1983;1996) asserts that nation-ness and nationalism have often been built upon cultural artefacts of a particular kind. In this sense sport often provides a uniquely effective medium for articulating national feelings, because in capturing political moments it provides a form of symbolic action which states the case for nation. The popular identification between athlete X, team Y or community Z has therefore led to the suggestion that sporting struggles are expressions of national communities and divided cultures. It is as if for a moment the imagined community or nation becomes more real in the sports arena.

Sport has certainly featured in the works of a number of Scotland's leading literary and political figures. At different periods in Scottish history these figures have supported the formation of nationalist oriented political organisations like The Scottish Home Rule Association (1918-1928), The Scots National League (1920-1928), The National Party of Scotland (1928-1933) and the Scottish National Party (SNP 1933 - present). The national revivalists of the Scottish Renaissance were essentially unhappy about the surrogate politics of sport (Harvie,1994). Chris Harvie observes that Hugh MacDiarmid contemplated Ibrox football stadium being transformed into a vast lecture hall (Harvie,1994:46). Compton Mackenzie, who attended the Irish Free State's Tailteann Games in 1924, wrote, "a nation which thinks of the six o' clock bulletin as a tiresome postponement of the football results is marching in blinkers along the road to ruin" (MacKenzie, 1946:30). He proposed the abolition of all professional sport and its replacement with walking, forestry, shooting and sailing according to the locality and the season. Many early Scottish socialists evinced disdain for professional sport, especially football, believing that it distracted the workers from political debate and other improving activities (Walker,1990). Eric Linklater was a little more sympathetic in that he viewed the rugby - soccer class distinction as a line of division between the working and middle classes which was inimical to the creation of a national community (Linklater,1959:128-9). To adapt Marx, sport seemed to make the Scots `of a nation' but not `for a nation': Scots were conscious that they were `agin' others, but also that they were internally divided by class, religion, gender and even region.

During the 1930s and 1940s the writer, novelist and Scottish Nationalist, Neil Gunn (1891-1973), probed the relationship between symbolism, tradition, nationalism and culture (Gunn,1991;McCulloch,1981). Born in the small coastal town of Dunbeath in Caithness, Gunn asserted that nationalism could only be interpreted out of an awareness of tradition (Finlay,1994:117). The importance of sport within a changing way of life did not escape his attention. He questioned the use of the Highlands as a sporting playground for the rich, in particular the nouveau riche from the south. Furthermore Gunn also questioned the commercialisation of the Scottish Highland Games and the spectacle of the professional athlete travelling from village to village collecting any money that local labour and patronage could gather (Gunn,1931). In his `Highland Games' articles and novels like Young Art and Old Hector (Gunn,1985), Gunn was commenting on sporting traditions and customs. He also reflected on the decline of a Highland way of life in the 1930s, and the intrusion of a more urban, commercialised culture which took little cognisance of tradition, local people and local customs (Gunn,1985). What seems clear from Gunn's writings is that he considered sporting traditions and nationalism to be inextricably linked, consequently the life and death of one was often linked to the life and death of the other (Gunn,1931).

William McIlvanney is another writer who has supported the nationalist cause and commented upon the role of sport, in particular football, in the nation's political psyche (William McIlvanney, The Glasgow Herald, 10 September1988:17). The 1979 referendum on Scottish Devolution occurred one year after the 1978 World Cup campaign in Argentina. During the 1990s McIlvanney was still opining that if Scotland had faired better during the 1978 football World Cup in Argentina, the result of the 1979 referendum on Scottish Devolution might have been different (Jarvie and Walker,1994). The suggestion here appears to be that the exit of the Scottish national football team from the competition may have been a final blow to faith in Scotland's capabilities to run its own affairs (Gallagher, 1991:106). This argument has also been given some weight by Chris Harvie (1994:197). He concedes that the publicity machine of Ally Macleod, the Scottish team manager at the 1978 World Cup finals, had managed to convince the Scottish supporters that they were going win. Reflecting on this in relation to the 1979 referendum, Harvie suggests that "Matters political might have been a lot different had they won, and that the `we were rubbish hangover' certainly contributed to the 1 March outcome." (Harvie, 1994:197).

Thirteen years after the 1979 Referendum the `sport as surrogate politics' theme was raised again, this time by Jim Sillars, the then deputy-leader of the SNP. After his defeat in the 1992 General Election, Sillars chastised the Scottish electorate for not voting for the nationalist cause, maligning them for being "90 minute patriots" and saving their nationalist fervour for major sporting occasions (The Herald, 24 April 1992:1). At the heart of this assertion was the view that the passion aroused by sport was misleading, since this national pride was not reflected in the political choice for independence. It is a classical expression of the view that sport has functioned as a substitute for political nationalism. There are problems with this thesis. It elides different kinds of political feelings in Scotland and also the changing manifestations of nationalist sporting fervour. This thesis is at once too static, too one dimensional and fails to recognise the nature and specific content of nationalism, other expressions or ideas about Scotland or indeed the complexity of sporting culture in Scotland.

Four years later the SNP leader Alex Salmond put sport, nationalism and Scotland onto the political agenda once again. After the 1996 Olympics he argued that:

Marching on to the field of Olympic competition under a Saltire would not in itself guarantee any Gold medals - but it would in the commentary we get on television, in the political reaction, and in the national mood make for a better spectacle for Scots and the chance of better support and investment for not just the best, but for all who want to take part (The Herald, 20 August 1996:16).

These observations were made as Salmond tried to evaluate Britain's performance in the 1996 Olympic Games. It was suggested that Britain's 36th position in the Olympic medal table was irrelevant, but that it was also "strongly symbolic of what is wrong with the United Kingdom and of what Scotland needed to do to improve its position in the world." (The Herald, 20 August 1996:16). The argument was that sport in Scotland is strongly national and that in an independent Scotland the government (or at least an SNP government) would establish a Ministry of Sport and Leisure that would lead to specific support for Scottish sport, which in turn would ensure that the whole nation benefited (The Scottish National Party, Policy - Sport, June 1996).

In its current Policy for Sport, the SNP acknowledges the role of sport in Scottish life and its potential in an independent Scotland. The "90-minute patriot" syndrome is also evident but the sentiments are incorporated as a positive dimension of the SNP's case for political independence. Sport,

For too many people is one of the few ways that they express and confirm their Scottish identity. Rather than condemning the individuals, the SNP should take the opportunity to develop this and explain our case for Independence (The Scottish National Party, Policy - Sport, June 1996).

There is some validity to suggestions that 1997 was a momentous year in both political and sporting contexts for Scotland. In politics at the General Election (May) a Labour government was elected for the first time since 1979. It was claimed that after eighteen years of rejecting the Conservative Party, Scots at last had a government that represented the way the majority of Scots had voted. Second, after three months in office, the Labour government published its White Paper for a Devolved Parliament Scotland's Parliament (1997). This formally started the Scotland FORward campaign for a `Yes-Yes' vote in the Referendum. The third political success for Scotland was a `Yes-Yes' vote in the Devolution Referendum on 11th September 1997. These Scottish political successes coincided with the ongoing campaign of the Scottish football team to qualify for the 1998 World Cup Finals, which they achieved in October 1997. The political campaigns provided many occasions when culture, nationalism and politics intersected, and although these did not always involve the SNP directly, sport was not invisible amongst the party's links with cultural icon Sean Connery and the Braveheart imagery. Perhaps the most powerful symbolic link was with football. During the general election campaign in March and April, when the SNP was second to Labour in the polls in Scotland, the national football team played three matches as part of its qualifying campaign. Reflecting on the match against Estonia, John Colquhoun wrote:

Politics and football are a heady mix. Even on a sunny afternoon on the west coast of Scotland, there was to be no escape from the electioneers. Striding to the match, flanked by men who had come dressed as warriors from a bygone age, the Scottish National Party were out to capitalise fully on a captive audience who were certain to be in a patriotic mood.

Being excluded from a hypothetical television debate should be of less concern to Alex Salmond now he appears to have the Scottish football team on his side. Heck, stretch your imagination a little and the team even played in the official SNP colours yesterday afternoon (John Colquhoun, Scotland on Sunday, Sport,30 March 1997:32).

It was not only the team that was (almost) sporting the yellow and black of the SNP. The TV highlights programme that evening showed some fans holding posters displaying the SNP's symbol, as well as the usual Saltire and Lion Rampant flags and tartan. If Argentina was the end of the Devolution road in the late-1970s, might a victory over Estonia the month before the election be the signal for a massive SNP vote in 1997? This did not happen. Argentina 1978 was not the (sole) cause of the failed Referendum in 1979, and similarly a 2-0 defeat to Sweden on 30 April, the night before the election, was not the cause of the Nationalists' failure to capitalise on the sporting nationalism of 1998.

Sport was not a major issue of the Scotland FORward campaign although identified in the White Paper as one of the powers that will be devolved to the Scottish Parliament. Where sport did feature it tended to be in one of three ways, none of which could be directly associated with the Nationalist Party. First, devolution opponents attempted to undermine the process. For example, anti-devolutionists like Tam Dalyell used the situations of footballers Gary McAllister (the captain of the national football team) and Paul Gascoigne (England and, at the time Rangers) to question Referendum voting rights. The so-called "Gary McAllister question" (The Scotsman,16 August 1997) asked why Scots living outside Scotland (e.g. McAllister) would not be allowed to vote in the Referendum while non-Scots living in Scotland at the time (e.g. Gascoigne) would. The question did not appear to be a major issue for McAllister who said , "It's up to the Scottish people to decide if they want their own parliament and it's great their views are being listened to."(Daily Record, 10 September 1997). Second the pro-Devolution Scottish press used sports celebrities' views to endorse the proposals informally linked sport and politics. For instance, Scottish sprinter, Ian Mackie, observed, "I back the idea [Devolution] - and I hope a Scottish Parliament will back athletics. We are light years behind other countries in sports funding "(Daily Record, 10 September 1997). Although there is no evidence here to suggest that Mackie was advocating the SNP position, nor was the connection made by the press, the athlete's views are not dissimilar to those expressed by the SNP leader in his assessment of the British performance at the 1996 Olympic Games.

The third way sport featured in the politics of devolution was the media's use of Scottish sports achievements to mobilise the national sentiment. The Referendum was scheduled for Thursday 11 September which happened also to be the 700th anniversary of William Wallace's victory over the English army at Stirling Bridge. On the morning of the Referendum, the Daily Record noted how Scotland's other patriot of that time Robert the Bruce "would have loved Wembley week-end Bannockburn in 1314 can't exactly be classified as a sporting triumph - but what the hell." (Daily Record, 11 September 1997). The report went on to reflect on various Scottish sports achievements including triumphs over England at Wembley stadium, Freuchie Cricket Club's "thumping the English at cricket" in 1985, and Sam Torrance "a working -class Scot with a pencil behind his ear" raising "his arms aloft as he holed the winning putt on English soil which brought the Ryder Cup back home" (to Europe) in 1985 (Daily Record, 11 September 1997). Rugby victories over England were also featured, with the 1990 Five Nations championship highlighted: "1314? Scottish rugby buffs are more interested in 13-7 - the final score that historic day". The report added, "In an action replay of Bannockburn, Proud Edward's Army went into a hasty retreat." (Daily Record, 11 September 1997).

In concluding this consideration of the intersection between sport, nationalism and politics in 1997, it is perhaps fitting that the national game, football, is used as a final example. In the autumn of 1997 Scotland played two World Cup qualifying matches, the first against Belarus on 7 September, and the second against Latvia on 11 October. Victory in both of these matches secured Scotland a place in the 1998 World Cup Finals in France. The SNP leader, Alex Salmond, reflected:

Along with last month's `Yes-Yes referendum win, our World Cup qualifying success gives Scots a famous `autumn double' to celebrate. The months ahead will be full of excitement for Scotland, since we have both a new Parliament and a World Cup campaign to look forward to (SNP News Release,12 October 1997).

Sport, Notions of Nationalism and Ideas about Scotland

When Queen Victoria and Prince Albert purchased the Balmoral estate from the Earl of Fife in 1848 the Royal Court attended the Gathering of the Braemar Society. The royal stamp of approval gave the event a degree of respectability and increased its popularity. The Queen attended the Braemar Gathering in 1849 by which time the Braemar Highland Games had become an event on the social calendar of the British aristocracy and the nouveau riche. In September 1859 the Braemar Gathering was invited to stage their Highland Games at the Queen's Balmoral summer residence. The event was again held at Balmoral in 1887, 1890, 1898. By 1899 the Gathering had become known as the Braemar Royal Highland Society Gathering. Queen Victoria herself had become respected chief of chiefs and patron of the Braemar Royal Highland Society Gathering. A paradox resulted in that the descendants of those who had been responsible for the marginalisation of aspects of Gaelic culture had now become the cultural gatekeepers of its very existence.

On her first visit to Deeside Queen Victoria commissioned the artist Edward Landseer to paint Royal Sports on Hill and Loch, which first appeared in the Royal Academy in 1854. The painting reproduced the Highland myth of environmental harmony, wilderness and the natural image of Queen Victoria and the Royal Family enjoying sport in the tranquil Royal Highlands (Pringle, 1988). It depicts a myth, which perhaps denies the object of which it speaks, namely Highland social-history, and by which social reality is transformed into an image of natural reality. The royal sport in this sense is to present the naturalness of the image of sport in the Highlands while simultaneously denying the existence of very real popular struggles over identity, crown, land and nationhood. Her Majesty certainly made her wishes clear to the painter:

It is to be thus: I stepping out of the boat at Loch Muick, Albert, in his Highland Dress, assisting me out, and I am looking at a Stag which he is supposed to have just killed. Bertie is on the deer pony with McDonald (whom Landseer much admires) standing behind, with rifles and plaids on shoulders. In the water, holding the boat, are several of the men in their kilts - salmon are also lying on the ground. The picture is intended to represent me meeting Albert, who has been stalking, whilst I have been fishing, and the whole is quite constant with the truth (Pringle, 1988:144).

There is no denying the depth of Queen Victoria's emotional attachment to the Highlands, Highland Games and Royal Deeside. However, her understanding of the social and political situation around her has often been brought into question. Her own diaries reveal a remarkable ignorance of the Kingdom. A popular argument was that symbolically the close bonding between Queen Victoria, Royal Deeside, Highland Games and the Highlands of Scotland stood for loyalism, royalism and a particular definition of state, crown and nation. This particular type of royalism helped to bury the past and secure the belief that the past could not be used as a basis for social and political mobilisation in the present. Where Queen Victoria went Walter Scott and tartan history followed. Undoubtedly, the very Scottishness of Balmoral helped to give the monarchy a truly British popular dimension. This popularity contributed to a process that marginalised other versions of Scotland and ideas of nationhood. Highland Games represented a very British definition of the relationship between crown, state and nationhood. A definition that was different from that associated with shinty or certain football clubs in the West of Scotland.

Unlike the case of the Gaelic Athletic Association in Ireland, Scottish sport in the last quarter of the nineteenth century did not contribute to any political nationalist movement. Yet Scottish radicalism was not impervious to either the politics of sport or the demands of Irish Home Rule. Shinty, land reform and Irish nationalism were regularly reported in The Inverness Courier, Celtic Monthly and the Highlander. Shinty was not just a casual pursuit for land reformers such as John Murdoch, Michael Davitt, Mary Macpherson, Archibald Chisholm (founder of Strathglass Shinty Club and author of the first set of shinty rules), and John Gunn Mackay (founding member of Skye Camanachd). The development of shinty was often inextricably linked to the radicalism of land politics and Gaelic affairs in late Victorian Scotland. Both Davitt and Murdoch voiced support for the Gaelic Athletic Association at the same time as they toured the Scottish coalfields seeking support from industrial workers for land reform. John Gunn Mackay was sacked from his draper's job in Glasgow after making a pro Irish Land League speech in 1881.

In this article we have attempted to illustrate the relationship between sport, nationalism and politics and the complex nature of the connections. In the case of sport in Ireland the GAA story provides many paradoxes which highlight another dimension of this complexity. The following are two illustrative examples. Paradox number one was Michael Cusack, the GAA's moving spirit who had previously made a fortune by cramming Irish candidates for the British civil service. Paradox number two was Michael Davitt, who wrote to the founding meeting of the GAA at Thurles to plead for the fostering of sports peculiar to the Celtic people. Yet his love of football allowed him to become a patron to Glasgow Celtic Football Club 1892 (Campbell and Woods, 1996). The ethos behind Celtic was as far from the GAA as it was from the temperance pietism of its founding priest Cannon Hannan (Harvie,1994:51). The club's financial backers were Home Rulers, but of the Glasgow variety of orthodox nationalists. Some may well have been IRB members, but they stuck with the old Nationalist party, and did not, like the GAA, move to Sinn Fein in 1910. Celtic Football Club - both the team and the enterprise - had helped to put the Irish-Catholic community on the map in Scotland. Celtic's early growth might have been less to do with solidarity than with proving that the Catholic community could assert its claim to equality of esteem in West Central Scotland. By the 1920s this Catholic loyalty counted for more than anti-British sentiment and was already one of the pillars of Labour trade unionism (Murray, 1984:73-75).

There are other interconnecting strands between `Celtic sports' and Scottish and Irish communities. Highland Games, shinty and the conflict over Highland sporting estates may have contributed to various visions of nationhood and nationalism. Many of the leading political figures in the Irish and Highland land reform movements shared a Pan-Celtic identity. John Murdoch tried to ensure that there was a Celtic influence both upon the politics of land reform and within emerging Scottish political nationalism. In 1904 Davitt described Murdoch as one of the true Celts, an opinion which was shared by William Gillies, founder of the Scots National League in the 1920s (Finlay,1994:31). In 1927 Gillies wrote of Murdoch's great work in reviving Celtic ideas and a Celtic communal spirit (Finlay,1994:32). The success of the GAA also influenced some contemporary Scottish nationalists such as William Power, John Stuart Blackie and John L Kinloch. In both the late 1890s and early 1920s the Camanachd Association had little contact with the GAA, although a shinty/hurling match between Glasgow Cowal and Dublin Celtic did take place in 1879. This match was presided over by Michael Cusack. In 1924 the Camanachd Association was invited to the Tailteann Games at which Scotland beat Ireland in another shinty/hurling game. Yet the anti-Britishness of the GAA meant that the shinty body kept its distance from the activities of the GAA. As for Michael Davitt's links with Glasgow Celtic Football Club, Murray has suggested that it was perhaps an indication that the Irish in Scotland were about to go their own way, were about to commit themselves to a different Union and were about to weaken the original ties with Ireland (Murray,1984:73-75). As Lynch suggests, while clubs such as Celtic and Hibernian preserved links with Ireland they also set apart the Irish Catholic community from its roots (Lynch, 1992:26). This was more of an Irish-Scottish identity as opposed to an Anglo-British identity that was fostered through Queen Victoria's association with Balmoral and the Braemar Highland Games.

In retrospect Scottish identity, if not Scottish nationalism, was much more profoundly affected by an incident at Hampden Park on 30 October 1886, than with Michael Davitt's visit to Celtic Park in 1892. During a third-round Football Association cup match between Preston North End and Queen's Park, Jimmy Ross a Scots player with the English club, Preston North End, fouled Harrower, the Queen's Park centre-forward before a crowd of 15,000 people (Harvie, 1977:37-38). The Queen's Park supporters invaded the pitch and Ross had to be smuggled out of the ground. This incident brought to a head the differences between the Football Association (FA) and the Scottish Football Association (SFA), and as a result the SFA announced on 10 May 1887 that clubs belonging to its organisation could not be members of any other football association. Scottish football teams were ordered to withdraw from the FA Cup competition. The links between the FA and the SFA were not severed completely. For example deciding matches between the holders of the Scottish Cup and the FA Cup were common, and Scotland's Hibernian FC in 1887 and Renton FC in 1888 claimed the title `Champions of the World' after they won these respective matches (Lynch,1992:361). Yet the crystallisation of Scottish and English football structures along national, not British, lines has often been used by politicians to illustrate the strong national character of football in Scotland. It has been also been argued that such structures helped to sharpen up national identities and reinforce national consciousness (Kellas, 1990:9-10). As Michael Lynch remarks, well before the First World War football provided a new focus for Scottish national feeling (Lynch, 1992:361). For both the respective British and Scottish identities, football was an emblem of the condition of a nation living within a larger nation-state. In this way football consolidated a national Scottish identity, and perhaps also a class identity, which did not threaten, or conflict with, a broader British identity or union.

Sporting heroines have perhaps had a lower profile than sporting heroes, but nonetheless heroines have also contributed to notions of civic pride and civic nationalism that at times have gone beyond patriotism. Walker's study of Nancy Riach, the Motherwell swimming phenomenon of the 1940s, is one of the best examples of this process (Walker,1994). Both during and after the war sport was central to a vibrant social life in Motherwell. This in many ways defied the glum all consuming picture of social alienation painted by Edwin Muir who recalled that "Airdrie and Motherwell are the most improbable places imaginable in which to be left with nothing to do; only rough work would reconcile anyone to living in them." (Muir,1985:2). Muir's bleak caricature of Motherwell was a comment upon the effect of industrialisation on Scotland and the damage inflicted by an over-dependency on staple products and long-term structural unemployment. These shadows appeared in their most menacing form during the profound slump of 1929-1933 and they emerged again in the early 1990s with the closure of the Ravenscraig steelworks. Yet Muir's perspective was also an intellectual one which ignored the resilience of urban popular culture, civic pride and urban redevelopment in places such as Motherwell. New housing developments, a civic centre and a railway station had all been developed since 1936. In the 1930s, 1940s and 1970s Motherwell had a strong sense of civic pride which was often channelled through sport. This was again obvious when the town football team won the Scottish Cup in 1952 and again in 1991.

Nancy Riach was perhaps the most famous of a long line of swimming stars who belonged to the Motherwell Amateur Swimming and Water Polo Club of the 1930s and 1940s (Walker, 1994). As well as Riach the club included other Scottish record holders like Cathie Gibson and Margaret Bolton. In 1946, one year before the tragic death of Nancy Riach, the local paper claimed that "the steel town had no equal at the aquatic sport in Great Britain today." (Motherwell Times, 27 December 1947:12). That year the club participated in 120 galas, and its roll call of success comprised of twenty-one new records, thirty-eight championships, three water polo leagues and one water polo cup.

The architect of the Motherwell swimming success was coach David Crabb who tapped local, civic and national pride and loyalties (Walker, 1994:143-144). Crabb always stressed potential. His sporting philosophy that "there's a champion up every street" was consistent with the philosophy of socialist political movements like the Independent Labour Party and the Communist Party. He believed that working people could improve themselves through education, sport and political work. As Walker explains, former members of the club recall how he constantly reminded them that they could "change the world"; they remember him leading the singing of "the Red Flag" on coach trips and lending out books to club members such as Robert Tressell's The Ragged Trousered Philanthropist (Tressell, 1953). This is not to deny that other political affiliations and identities influenced the Motherwell phenomenon. Religious barriers were also formidable in the Motherwell of the 1930s and 1940s, but befitting his politics Crabb set his stall out against religious sectarianism.

Motherwell's dominance of water sports meant frequent trips to England. There was often a nationalistic edge to these affairs with the club members invariably travelling in kilts. Class-consciousness was also a subtle ingredient when the club visited wealthy towns like Cheltenham. The Motherwell swimmer Nancy Riach never swam for Scotland although she broke many national records, and often, like Liz McColgan some forty or so years later, proclaimed that she was proud not for herself but for Scotland. This sort of up-beat patriotism was promoted by Rex Kingsley, the Sunday Mail sports columnist who took an interest in the swimmer's career. On a scale of political nationalism however the kind of sentiments espoused by Riach and aroused by Kingsley and other admirers rank fairly low. They did not conflict with a wider British identity. Perhaps it is best described as an Empire-oriented nationalism or a Scottishness that was passionately expressed within a wider context that was defined by the British state and Empire. In the social and political atmosphere of the Second World War, nationalism mirrored the less edgy Scottish patriotism of the era, conscious of its role in another "Greater British" mission and largely willing to accept without much misgiving, the dual-nationality paradigm.

It would be invidious to infer too pointedly any political corollaries to such nationalistic expressions, but it is safe to say that they did not reflect fundamentalist nationalist political positions of the kind taken up by cultural figures like the poet Hugh MacDiarmid. The cultural context on which they fed precluded separatism, although not necessarily the belief in some Home Rule scheme. It was a kind of "keep our end up nationalism" which for example, the Scottish Convention movement espoused during the war. In 1944 this group passed a resolution to watch the misuse of terms such as English and England instead of British and Britain (Sunday Mail, 25 June 1944:23). Yet the analysis of swimming and Motherwell in the 1940s has served to underline the main theme of this essay, namely that the relationship between sport and broader nationalist sentiments has to be specifically considered in terms of time and place.

The Scotland of Nancy Riach in the 1940s was different from the 1960s Scotland of international footballers such as footballers Denis Law and Jim Baxter. For Denis Law Scottishness was crucial (Holt, 1994). Yet it was a form of Scottishness that was limited by its definition within an anti-English framework. Allegedly he went off to play golf rather than watch the 1966 World Cup final between England and West Germany. A strange logic prompted him to enthuse after the 1967 Scottish victory at Wembley that the Scots were now unofficial World Champions (The Glasgow Herald, 17 April 1967:22). Despite living in England for most of his life anything that meant the greater glory of England did not please the Aberdonian. But Law rarely, if at all, questioned his dual nationality of Scottishness and Britishness. It is doubtful that he would have accepted Tom Nairn's argument that the enemy was Britain and not England (Nairn, 1981:173). On the other hand for all the writer's brilliance, Nairn and other intellectuals condemned the football world of Law to that of a sort of mindless sub-cultural nationalism (Nairn, 1981:173). For Law the Union was accepted, a long-standing reality, which while challenged ritualistically on the field of play was never seriously threatened after the final whistle. He felt acutely embarrassed about committing a foul in front of the Royal Box in the 1967 Wembley game. To relegate football to the status of sub-cultural (the term used by Tom Nairn) nationalism fails to recognise the politics of sport itself and the way in which popular culture often keeps ideas about Scotland alive. It certainly dismisses the significant divisions within Scottish culture and the meanings that are attached to such popular heroes and heroines as Denis Law, Nancy Riach and many others (Beveridge and Turnbull, 1989).

In the 1960s a then new style of nationalist politics emerged in Scotland. The majority of the urban working class, who voted Labour, seemed to be sympathetic to a greater control over their own affairs. Being Scottish seemed to be more important than being British, particularly in the context of a post-war decline in the British Empire and British economy, set against the discovery of North sea-oil in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Peripheral nationalism at the edges became more popular as the imperial British nationalism of the centre eroded. At times Law as an Anglo-Scot was not as popular as his own fervent Scottishness would suggest. The sin of being an Anglo meant that the player was celebrated while the team was doing well only to be maligned as `Denis the menace' when the team was losing. Significantly in the 1960s, against a background of a growth in political nationalism, a serious press campaign for an exclusively home-based national football team first emerged. It was in the early 1970's that God Save the Queen was first jeered at Hampden before internationals. Football in the 1960s and 1970s might thus be said to have reflected just as accurately the changing political mood towards Scottish nationalism as, for example, the popular celebration of Nancy Riach's swimming achievements.

In the early 1990s rugby union seemed to replace football as the sport which reflected feelings of the Scottish electorate, particularly the events leading up to the 1991 World Rugby Cup semi-final clash between Scotland and England at Murrayfield. Of course sport does not provide the healthiest foundation upon which to mobilise a campaign for national or regional separatism. Yet just for a second Murrayfield might have encapsulated not just the tension of a Rugby World Cup semi-final clash but the real tension of a `Union of Opposites' and a potential crisis that had at its core the problems of a divided United Kingdom. A leading national British newspaper in an article entitled `Flowers Sprouting Over the Border' commented after the match:

The message of Murrayfield this weekend was bigger than scrummaging techniques and lineout skills. It seemed etched in emotion on the faces of the players as they sang Flower of Scotland. It boiled constantly around the arena. Sometimes events happening send a clearer signal than a thousand pieces of newspaper. Murrayfield was a message of Scottish identity and nationhood (The Guardian, 28 October 1991:24).

The atmosphere of the day was structured by a multitude of factors: Anglo-Scottish political, historical and sporting relations; a potential place for the winner in the 1991 World Rugby Cup final; a rising tide of nationalistic patriotic fervour within Scotland as a whole, and a contest between two teams whose contrasting styles of play whetted the appetite of many a rugby connoisseur. The national rugby stadium was packed with a capacity crowd of 59,000 whose loyalties had been emotionally charged by the prospect of a Scottish victory over the `Auld Enemy', the memory of England's Grand Slam victory in 1991, the Scottish flanker John Jeffrey leading out the team in his last home international before retirement, and the strains of the respective national anthems - the Scottish Flower of Scotland and the English adoption of the British national anthem God Save the Queen.

Some political commentators suggested that the result of the game itself would be an important factor in the then pending Kincardine-Deeside local by-election. At one level the adoption by such a conservative institution as the Scottish Rugby Union of the populist national anthem Flower of Scotland might be viewed insignificant. Yet at another level it was a profound gesture of sentimentality which in part encapsulated the mood of the Scottish people at a particular point in time. When the song was first written it was far less popular because it was associated with the Scottish National Party. Other broadsheet commentators were also suggesting that the events at Murrayfield were also mediated by an apparent widening fissure within the fabric of the original 1707 Act of Union of the Parliaments. This emotion was also exemplified in the anger against the poll tax, which had been introduced in Scotland one year before it was introduced to the rest of the United Kingdom. It may be that we should dismiss the symbolism of events at Murrayfield, even the defeat by the English, as being peripheral, meaningless, or in part, not reflecting the political pulse of the Scottish electorate during the early 1990s. Perhaps this was a more east coast establishment-orientated type of patriotism or nationalism which would have caused John Major or now Tony Blair a greater degree of anxiety if it had been witnessed at Ibrox or Hampden Park. Whatever the explanation of Murrayfield in the 1990s it certainly seemed to go beyond the message of A World in Union which the opera singer Kiri Te Kanewa wanted us to internalise during the opening ceremony of the World Rugby World Cup of 1991. It also served as a reminder of the complex changing relationship between sport and nationalist sentiments in Scotland.

Concluding Remarks

This article concludes with three points. First, sport should be viewed as one of a number of indices of changing nationalisms and varieties of Scottishness available at any given time. Sport is not just a convenient repository for feelings that people are afraid to express in other contexts. The precise relationship between Sport, Nationalism and Culture in Scotland needs to be unpacked in terms of specific content, time and place. Second, many may dismiss sport in Scottish culture as being full of contradictions but then so is Scotland and Scottishness. Anti-Jewish feeling was such that the Jewish community in the West of Scotland had to purchase its own golf course at Bonnyton Moor, in the 1940s, in order to make it possible to play the game. There are still golf clubs in the West of Scotland where one would be hard pressed to find a Catholic member. A fair play campaign in the Scotland on Sunday newspaper highlighted the patriarchal practices of Muirfield and other golf clubs in Scotland. Yet if campaigns like these have yielded an awareness of such issues, or even Scotland having a harder look at itself then that at least might be some sign of becoming a more culturally mature society, if not a more principled one. Finally, much more could be said about other commentaries on Scottish sport: like the Scottish football supporter who lamented that we were losing one of the few remaining symbols of nationhood when he saw the new range of SFA beachwear that was to replace the cobalt blue and white Scotland strip, (The Herald,22 January 1994:2) or Adam Ferguson's recognition of the role of games in the Essay on The History of Civil Society, (Ferguson, 1767;1978) or the notion of shinty as Scotland's only national game (MacDonald,1932:15; Hutchinson, 1988:24; MacLennan1993:21). Simple assertions about nationalist sporting symbols, events and patriotism are as unsatisfactory as monolithic caricatures of a Scotland which was never wholly British, Protestant, imperial, Celtic, anti-English or unionist. Perhaps it is simply safer to conclude that no complete understanding of culture or nationalism in Scotland is complete without acknowledging the specific and complex social and historical space occupied by sport. However this space has to be specifically unpacked in terms of content, time and place.

Finally, a growing body of literature on sport and nationalism exists in both the historical and sociological fields of sport. There is also a vast body of literature on nationality. It is perhaps time for the two respective bodies of literature to merge and in this sense this article finishes with some speculative questions that might provide the focus for future work in this area; Why are nation-states so vulnerable to ethnic nationalism and to what extent does sport contribute to these processes?; What is the place of memory in the historical construction of sporting nationalism?; What is the place of folklore in the construction of the sporting nation?; Does sport contribute to the dynamics of disintegration throughout Europe?; What is the place of sport in the construction of identity, gender and the history of European nations and nationalism?; What is the place of sport in the former Yugoslav territories? and to what extent has sport contributed to "the two nationalism's" in the two China's?

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